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A Scandal: Health and Human Services, CDC, Youth Suicidology
The Evidence Indicates That the US Department of Health and Human Services (the National Institute of Mental Health and the Centers for Disease Control), Mainstream Youth Suicidologists, and Others Have Contributed to Maintaining Higher - Than - Heterosexual - Counterpart Levels of Suicidal Behavior in the North American Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Youth Population.
On this page it was originally noted that Gibson's paper was eventually omitted from a report on youth suicide. This was incorrect but the quoted sources believe this. The Report has been available but a 1997 correspondence (located at the end of the text) indicates that the US Government has put an end to its availability. Related activism is also requested. The section noting "the omission" follows:
One of the most important papers written about the health and welfare of gay and lesbian children and youth was "Gay Male and Lesbian Youth Suicide" by Paul Gibson (1989). The commissioned paper comprehensively described the many often interrelated problems experienced by gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender youth of all colours, the focus being on the reported higher risk for suicidal behaviors in sexual minority youth, compared to heterosexual youth. Gibson's paper was originally a part of the Report of the Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide, Vol.3, pp. 110-142, US Department of Health and Human Services (1989), but it was omitted from the final version of the report. (Related information: http://qrd.tcp.com/qrd/youth/1996/lgbt.youth.suicide.info.packet and http://www.leaderu.com/marco/special/spc51.html)

Anti-gay/lesbian Americans were not pleased with Gibson's paper, including the Secretary of the US Department of Health and Human Services: "On October 13, 1989, Dr. Louis W. Sullivan, Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, repudiated this section of the report - impugning not its accuracy, but, it seems, its very existence. In a written statement Sullivan said, [T]he views expressed in the paper entitled Gay Male and Lesbian Youth Suicide do not in any way represent my personal beliefs or the policy of this Department. I am strongly committed to advancing traditional family values... In my opinion, the views expressed in the paper run contrary to that aim.'" (From: How to bring up your kids gay by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick in Fear of a Queer Planet by Michael Warner, ed., 1993. Sedgwick quotes Sullivan on the basis on information supplied by the New York Native during the fall of 1989.) Gibson's recommendations were focused on ending society's homophobia and related child abuse problems, including not having professionals educated and qualified to help sexual minority youth. The term "child abuse" best renders what North American school - and a significant number of families - have traditionally inflicted on gay, lesbian, and bisexual children and youth.

The removal of Gibson's paper from the Report no doubt made many anti-gay/lesbian Americans very happy. They were also quick to affirm that Gibson's conclusions were flawed ("Gibson's Skewed Research" http://campus.leaderu.com/marco/special/spec52.html and "Problem #2: Gibson Cites Gay Studies With Unrepresentative Samples" http://campus.leaderu.com/marco/special/spc54.html by Tony Marco, 1991-1994). Marco, the founder of Colorado for Family Values, reports one of Gibson's conclusion: "...the figure in Gibson's report of 3,000 annual gay youth suicide would mean that well over half of all youth suicides are by homosexuals - a patent absurdity." To support his point, Marco interviewed. David Shaffer, a "specialists on youth suicide" who stated: "I struggled a long time over [Gibson's] mathematics, but in the end it seemed more hocus-pocus than math." Shaffer is a mainstream suicidologist known to down play "homosexual orientation" issues in the media and in his youth suicide research, and he was shown to use flawed methods in determining the sexual orientation of adolescents after they had committed suicide (Tremblay, 1995: http://www.qrd.org./qrd/www/youth/tremblay/maleyouth.html and http://www.qrd.org./qrd/www/youth/tremblay/app-c.html). Marco also noted that Gibson used "the discredited Kinsey estimate of a 10 percent gay population" to do his calculation. (See Bagley & Tremblay, in press: homodemo.htm for new evidence replicating Kinsey's 10% estimate for males.) Gibson had nonetheless been very conservative in his final estimates as also quoted by Marco: "homosexual youths are two to three times more likely to attempt suicide than their heterosexual peers," and "gay and lesbian youth may account for one-third of all youth suicides (emphasis mine)."

Although there are many factors to consider in making such estimates, the alleged "patent absurdity" of Gibson's mathematics may not have produced such an "absurd" estimate given that the Bagley and Tremblay study reveals, for the first time, on the basis of random sampling combined with giving credible assurance of anonymity to study subjects, that over half the young adult males reporting a suicide attempt history (62.5%) were homosexual or bisexual. Other research has revealed that a high proportion of gay/bisexual male adolescent suicide attempters have been quite determined to die (Remafedi et al., 1991). The available body of knowledge suggests that gay/bisexual males may not only be overrepresented in male youth suicidal problems, but that they may form the majority of male youth committing suicide. However, the available research on male youth suicide has not confirmed this, mostly for reasons related to data gathering omissions and methodological shortcomings. (Tremblay, 1995: http://www.qrd.org./qrd/www/youth/tremblay/maleyouth.html" target="_blank", http://www.qrd.org./qrd/www/youth/tremblay/app-c.html, and Bagley & Tremblay, in press: discuss2.html). These results are nonetheless used by individuals such as Tony Marco to attack what was deemed "the gay teen suicide myth" supposedly created by Gibson and perpetuated by radical homosexual activists/extremists (Marco, 1994: http://campus.leaderu.com/marco/special/spc53.html).

The research available on the proportion of homosexually oriented male adolescents and youth who commit suicide has left much to be desired. Most of the research published on youth suicidal problems reflects the same problem: information about the "sexual orientation" of youth studied is rarely, if ever, solicited. Fortunately, "sexual orientation" has become a concern of professionals outside the mainstream world of suicidology, and they have begun to solicit "sexual orientation" information in their studies of adolescent problems. One 1996 study (Safe Schools Anti-Violence Documentation project: (http://www.safeschools-wa.org/ssp_execsum.html) of 8,406 Seattle students in grades 9 through 12 produced a 5% estimate for male and female students in grades 10 to 12 who identified themselves to be "gay, lesbian, or bisexual," and almost 7% were "not sure" about their sexual orientation. Given that the average age of "coming out" to self would be about 17 or 18 years for males (a later age for females) and that another 5% will therefore self-identify as homosexual/bisexual after the age of 18, this result is in line with the Bagley and Tremblay estimate of about 10% for self-identified homosexual/bisexual males ranging in age from 18 to 27 years (Average age = 22.7 years). The percentage of people acknowledging their homosexual or bisexual orientation increases with age from childhood (by the age of 3 years), throughout adolescence, and into adulthood. On the basis of the available demographic data and "coming out" knowledge, it is expected that about 5% of high school students (average age=16) would self-identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (as a minimum), and that the percentage would increase to about 10% (also as a minimum) when the group would have reached the average age of 22 or 23 years, as in the Bagley and Tremblay sample of young adult males.
 
Grades 9 to 12 Seattle School Study Results
Sexual Orientation  Gay/Lesbian/Bisexual Heterosexual  Rate Ratio 
Made a Suicide Plan*  31.1%  15.7%  2:1 
Suicide Attempt*  20.6%  6.7%  3:1 
Suicide Attempt Resulting in Medical Attention*  9.4%  2.2%  4:1 
Feeling Unsafe / Related Absences**  20.9% / 13.9%  11.9% / 6.1%  2:1 / 2:1 
Injured in Fight : Requires Medical Attention  14.9%  5.1%  3:1 
Heavy / High Risk Drug Use  35.8%  22.5%  1.5:1 

* in the past twelve months; **at least one day in past month; Caveats in Note 1.

[Cited section ended.]

Given:

1. That the 1996 Seattle school study has demonstrated that gay, lesbian, and bisexual identified youth are more at risk (3:1) for suicidal behaviors than heterosexual identified youth, and even more at risk (4:1) for suicidal behaviors requiring medical attention;

2. That 12 North American gay community-based studies of gay and bisexual male youth have produced high suicide attempt rates ranging from 20 to 50 percent (notes2.htm); and especially

3. That the random sampling Bagley & Tremblay study's relative risk factor for suicide attempts of homosexual/bisexual male compared to heterosexual males (13.9-times to the average age of 22.7 years) has essentially replicated the methodologically sound Bell and Weinberg (1978) results for similar groups of males (13.6-times to the age of 20 years);

It may be stated with confidence that:

- Ignoring "sexual orientation" in male youth suicide research has been equivalent to ignoring a significant overrepresentation of male adolescents and youth who have engaged in self-harm activities (includes suicide attempts), and a likely majority of those attempting suicide in the most lethal ways. Avoiding (or ignoring the need to gather) "sexual orientation" information has been a rule in mainstream youth suicide research (Note 2). Generally, researchers have only investigated factors such as drug and/or alcohol use/abuse, dropping out of school, being a runaway and/or homeless, conduct disorders, interpersonal problems, mental health problems (unipolar and bipolar depression, schizophrenia, stress, etc.), child sexual abuse (to a lesser extent), etc., in adolescent and youth suicide research.
Each mainstream research paper reporting on adolescent/youth suicide problems - which is silent about "homosexuality" issues - renders a message repeatedly (almost universally) rendered in youth suicide research: "Having a homosexual orientation is irrelevant in [mainstream] adolescent/youth suicide problems." On the basis of the data presented in Note 2, it is estimated that this statement is made in about 199 out of 200 mainstream papers written about adolescent and youth suicide problems.

- Ignoring "sexual orientation" in youth suicide (suicide attempt) prevention work is to essentially ignore the suicide-related issues of what may well be the majority - at least in the male adolescent/youth category - who attempt and perhaps commit suicide: gay and bisexual males. Such behavior should be deemed grossly "unethical," simply on the basis of the wealth of the anecdotal knowledge available about the suicide problems (suicide attempts and suicides) of gay, lesbian, and bisexual children, adolescents and young adults. Tragically, the status quo in youth suicide prevention programs has been to ignore the homosexual orientation and the often related gender non-conformity attributes of subjects studied. Furthermore, the idea of possibly incorporating these issues in suicide prevention programs has met with resistance, as done by Dr. Peter Muehrer, Chief, Youth Mental Health Program, National Institute of Mental Health and Behavioral Medicine Branch (US Department of Health and Human Services).

- The abstract for Muehrer's 1995 paper related to sexual orientation and suicide problems is reproduced in Note 3; the emphasis is that no evidence 'really' exists to establish anything "accurate" homosexual/bisexual representation in youth suicide problems (some red herring reasons are given for this), much less a homosexual overrepresentation. Dr. Muehrer's final statement, within the context of the "homosexuality" issue focused on, is also a warning to anyone even thinking about maybe incorporating "homosexuality issues" in school suicide-awareness (or suicide prevention) programs: "The premature dissemination of unproven programs is unwarranted."

- The 'spirit' of this proscription is presently being maintained in published youth suicide research (Note 2. The research being funded by NIMH), and also through the youth suicide information made available on the Internet by the Centers for Disease Control (CDC: Note 4 ) and the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH: Note 5). Therefore, an unfortunate result of Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior's 1995 Supplement No. 25 [edited by Moscicki (NIMH), Muehrer (NIMH), and Potter (CDC)] on the "sexual orientation" factor in the youth suicide problem has been to maintain the status quo. Homosexuality-related factors implicated in homosexual youth suicide problems (reported by Remafedi et al., 1991, and other researchers) are not acknowledged, and proscriptions continue (maybe more than before) with respect to incorporating desperately needed homosexuality issues in youth suicide intervention/prevention programs. [A likely explanation for the predictable negative effects of some suicide prevention programs - the ones which have been silent about "homosexuality" issues related to youth suicidal problems (such as coming out to self, gender non-conformity and related abuses, homophobia and homohatred, etc.) - is located at the end of the section For Journalists, Advocates and Activists.

- The situation described has delayed needed knowledge and understanding from reaching all who are apparently concerned about the worsening youth suicidal behavior problems. Professionals in what appears to be the traditionally highly homophobic (homo-lethal) world of suicidology are most in need of such an education. There are, however, some people now concerned about the youth suicide problem who would likely lose their interest if they knew it was mostly gay and bisexual males experiencing the most serious male youth suicide attempts. They would also more likely be happy when hearing about gay males being discriminated against, assaulted, and even murdered. Knowing that it is mostly gay/bisexual males dying from AIDS would certainly make them happier, and such people would certainly not want anything done to effectively prevent gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents from being verbally and physically abused, nor from committing suicide. Homohating parents who have thrown their adolescent offspring out their homes when their homosexual orientation became known are in this category.

In The Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Factor in the Youth Suicide Problem I presented the idea that the death penalty or imprisonment for "practicing" homosexuals reflected(s) an underlying social belief that homosexual should not exist, much like the Nazis had implemented their belief that Jews should not exist in another way. This belief was also implemented by most psychiatrists and psychologists when they had collectively dictated that all homosexual to be mentally disordered (lasting until 1973-74) and that they should therefore be cured. The passive-aggressive (also quite lethal) implementation of the same belief by most professionals working with youth (including mental health professionals and suicidologists) has included ignoring "homosexuality issues" in their research work and in adolescent/youth problem (including suicide and substance abuse) prevention/intervention programs.

- A very effective way to maximize casualties in any "at risk" population is to ignore their existence (and the nature of their socially inflicted problems) in research projects and problem prevention work. Such an outcome is also made possible by a traditionally homophobic media world. A major media investigative report has not yet been done about the gay/lesbian neglect which has generally existed in all fields addressing youth problems, including suicidology. The same applies with respect to the wholesale abuse traditionally inflicted on gay, lesbian, and bisexual children and adolescents in their families, schools, and society.

-Tony Marco's work (http ://campus.leaderu.com/ marco/special/spc-toc.html) represents one of the major American efforts to make sure homosexually oriented people are not granted "special rights," such as being protected from discrimination. Of greatest importance to Marco and his "family values(?)" allies, however, is making sure nothing is ever done in schools to end the homohatred (and the related child abuse, including gay-bashings) existing there, nor is anything to be done to help gay, lesbian, and bisexual children and adolescents in schools who often have serious socially inflicted problems. These include being verbally and physically abused, becoming truant and dropping out of school, being at risk for suicidal behaviors, etc. - especially when they are coming to terms with their highly stigmatized homosexual orientation in a highly homophobic and homohating society (Remafedi et al., 1991 and others). For these adolescents, a maximum casualty status is to be maintained, especially with respect to their suicidal problems, thus most pleasing Americans who have rendered their innermost feelings by stating that "Gays deserve to die!" (eg. http://www.logoplex.com/resources/sfa/files/homo.html - Not available anymore. For a silar minset, see the "http://www.godhatesfags.com" web site.)

- An unacceptable situation has also traditionally existed in gay and lesbian communities with respect to the health and welfare of gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents and youth. The mainstream media should investigate and judiciously report on this reality (Note 6). Gay and lesbian communities must be empowered to help these youth, but the responsibility for the health and welfare of all gay, lesbian, and bisexual children and adolescents belongs to the greater society. Unfortunately, North American societies, and their professionals working with children and adolescents, are generally abysmally ignorant of the existence, nature and needs (acceptance, love, qualified services when needed, etc.) of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender children, adolescents, and young adults. Gay self-identification (coming out to self) may occur by the age of three years.

- Lesbian adolescents and youth would also be at greater risk for suicidal problems than heterosexual female adolescents and youth, but not to the same extent that homosexually oriented males are over represented in suicidal problems. Good research work remains to be done on "the homosexuality factor" in female youth suicidal problems. Bell and Weinberg (1978) estimated that white lesbians had been 2-times more at risk for a suicide attempt than their heterosexual counterparts. A 1980s study of 1,925 lesbians reported lifetime suicide attempt rates of 16%, 27%, and 28%, respectively for adult White, African-American, and Latina lesbians (Bradford, J. et al. National lesbian health care survey: implications for mental health care, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 62(2), 228-42).

NOTES

Note 1

The many factors to be considered when evaluating homosexuality-related results in a study of adolescents in grades 9 to 12.

The gay/lesbian/bisexual percentages will be a minimum because:

- Not all gay/lesbian/bisexual adolescents are ready to acknowledge this fact on a questionnaire; some are not yet able to acknowledge this to themselves, much less to anyone else. Only about half of gay/lesbian/bisexual individuals (as determined from adult samples) will have self-identified as such by the age of 18. Related problems may occur early in life, however, especially when gender nonconformity exists. Effeminate boys (having a +/-75% probability of self-identifying as gay or bisexual by adulthood) have been the school bullies' favorite victims, and later become the gay-bashers' most common victims. As a rule, gay-bashers range in age from 15 to 25 years old.

- Gay/lesbian/bisexual adolescents are at high risk for truancy and having dropped out of school. Therefore, there is a greater probability that these adolescents (compared to heterosexual adolescents) will not be available in a school where the questionnaire is being given. This caveat is noted in the Seattle study under the heading "A Caution About Interpreting the Findings of the Teen Health Risk Survey." (http://www.safeschools-wa.org/ssp_part2)

The rate ratios (gay/bisexual/lesbian adolescents versus heterosexual adolescents) for adolescent having experienced certain problems will be minimums because:

- The "gay/bisexual" percentage will be a minimum given that about half of people who identify as "gay/bisexual" between the ages of 20 to 30 will not have done so by the age of 18. They may, however, have been experiencing problems (such as depression and suicidal problems) during adolescence. In a study of adolescents, the problems of these youth will be listed in the heterosexual category because they were then self-labelling as heterosexual.

- When males and females are combined in data analysis, the relative percentage risk ratios for suicide attempts, for example, are less than they would be in male-only samples. According to the Bell & Weinberg (1978) data, lesbians were-two times more likely than heterosexual females to have been suicide attempters by the age of 25 years, while it was six-times more likely for gay/bisexual males compared to heterosexual males.

- The relative risk ratio for various problems are also less than they would be given that students who are truant, drop out of school, and become street youth are at very high risk for problems such as depression, drug and/or alcohol use/abuse, and suicidal behaviors, including suicide. Given that gay/bisexual males youth are at relatively high risk for such outcomes, the underrepresentation of these at risk adolescents in school-based study samples (compared to heterosexual adolescents) would lower not only the "homosexual/bisexual" adolescent estimates, but also significantly lower the relative risk factors for homosexual/bisexual youth having major problems, compared to heterosexual youth.

- The "suicide attempt" related questions asked to students in the Seattle study would produce results including two types of suicidal behaviors: self-harm activities often labelled "suicide attempts," but they are usually not life-threatening, and "suicide attempts" defined to be "a deliberate attempt at self-killing" as reported in the Bagley and Tremblay study. In the Seattle school study, even some reported "suicide attempts" requiring medical attention would not be defined as "a deliberate attempt at self-killing." The study nonetheless essentially replicated the pattern reported in the Bagley and Tremblay study, and these results strongly suggest not only a greater overrepresentation of gay/bisexual males in the most serious forms of male youth suicidal behaviors (deliberate attempts at self-killing), but their even greater representation in male youth suicide. A similar situation may also apply for lesbian and bisexual female youth.

Note 2

Mainstream youth suicidology research has, as a rule, not solicited "sexual orientation" information from subjects studied. From the Medline database (accessed through Medscape), the percentage of research papers and articles on adolescent and youth suicide problems which mentioned the words "homosexual," "bisexual," "gay," or "lesbian," were calculated for various time intervals:

1966-1997.......59/6160 = 0.96%

1985-1992.......18/2187 = 0.82%

1993-1997.......22/1321 = 1.7%

1996-1997.........10/399 = 2.5%

These figures illustrate the fact that "sexual orientation" has not been mentioned about 99% of the time in articles about adolescent and youth suicide problems. When mentioned, however, it usually occurs in ghettoized articles addressing only the issue of "sexual orientation." Therefore, in "mainstream" papers, homosexuality issues have probably been noted in one in about 200 papers.

The data nonetheless suggests that, maybe, a doubling (from about 1% to 2%) of the concern for gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescent/youth suicide problems has been recently manifested by researchers. This conclusion, however, would be incorrect. The percentage increase in the 1993-1997 period (which is especially related to a percentage increase in the 1996-97 period) is mostly due to the referencing of 6 papers published in the 1995 "Sexual Orientation" Supplement of Suicide & Life-Threatening Behavior. See Note 3 for the value of this SLTB issue with respect to ever having gay, lesbian, and bisexual suicide problems addressed. It would likely have been better for the welfare of gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth at high risk for suicide problems if the SLTB Supplement had not been published. Omitting the 6 SLTB (Suppl. 25) referenced papers from the 1993-1997 and 1996-1997 period reduces the "sexual orientation" percentage of papers for these periods to 1.2% and 1.0%, respectively, thus producing a "no change" situation.

The "ghettoized" treatment of the gay, lesbian, and bisexual suicide problem is predictable as it was recently done by the Committee on Adolescence, Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, in Adolescent Suicide (Report 140, pp.1-184, 1996). "Homosexuality" (including often related gender nonconformity issues and transgender issues) was only noted on four pages, for a total of about one page out of 184 pages (about 0.6% of the text) written about these issues. Basically, the book was written almost as if "the homosexuality factor in youth suicide problems" was of little to no contextual significance. Furthermore, only the two papers addressing "homosexuality issues" (both from the 1989 Report of the Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide: Gibson, 1989 and Harry, 1989) are cited. None of the more recent studies reporting attempted suicide rates for gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth (and the associated factors) are noted, almost as if the authors could not have been bothered to study the relevant information published since 1989. In no way, from this document, or from the 1995 "Sexual Orientation" Supplement of SLTB, could it ever be suspected that "having a homosexual orientation" is a major factor implicated in adolescent/youth suicide problems. In no way could a reader also suspect that gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth/adolescents are overrepresented in adolescent/youth suicide problems, nor that gay/bisexual males may form the majority of male adolescents and youths who attempt suicide (defined as an attempt at self-killing) and possibly commit suicide.

Note 3

Suicide and sexual orientation: a critical summary of recent research and directions for future research. Peter Muehrer, Suicide Life Threatening Behavior, Vol. 25 Suppl., pp. 72-81.

"Abstract: Research on the hypothesized relationship between sexual orientation and suicide is limited both in quantity and quality. National or statewide data on the frequency and causes of completed suicide in gay and lesbian people in the general population, including youth, do not exist. Similarly, national or statewide data on the frequency of suicide attempts among the general population or among gay and lesbian people, including youth, do not exist. Methodological limitations in the small research literature include a lack of consensus on definitions for key terms such as suicide attempt and sexual orientation, uncertain reliability and validity of measures for these terms, nonrepresentative samples, and a lack of appropriate nongay and/or nonclinical control groups for making accurate comparisons. These numerous methodological limitations prevent accurate conclusions about the role sexual orientation might play in suicidal behavior; the limitations also suggest opportunities for future research. Furthermore, recent evaluations of some school suicide-awareness programs suggest that these programs are ineffective and may actually have unintended negative effects. The premature dissemination of unproven programs is unwarranted." Abstract by P. Muehrer.

Some of the comments made by Muehrer could be used to justify not doing anything about the mainstream youth suicide problem, but this has not occurred. When, however, the possibility appears that "homosexuality issues" may be incorporated in suicide prevention programs - which sometimes includes doing self-esteem elevation work not of the kind many gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents would desperately need - many reasons are fabricated so that such an event will not occur. Even in the Calgary Board of Education, such self-esteem elevation work would probably be deemed to be "promoting homosexuality," which is apparently not acceptable.

Note 4

Centers for Disease Control (CDC: http://www.cdc.gov/)

On April 4, 1997, the CDC search engine produced the following "CDC Search Results:"

-The words "transgender youth," "bisexual youth," homosexual youth," "gay youth," "queer youth," "lesbian youth," "transgender adolescent," "homosexual adolescent, "gay adolescent," "queer adolescent," and "lesbian adolescent" repeatedly produced the following response. "Your Query "_____" matched 0 documents out of 10697. 0 documents displayed."

Only "bisexual adolescent" produced one document containing the item in reference to HIV testing.

-The words "suicide attempt" or "suicide" combined with the word "gay" produced 2 documents, both the same: a 1986-1992 CDC Bibliography. The word "gay" existed only as a family name for the author of a cited reference.

-The words "suicide attempt" or "suicide" combined with the word "homosexual" or "bisexual" produced 1 document: a 1986-1992 CDC Bibliography. However, the words "homosexual" and "bisexual" only appeared in a reference titled "Self-reported childhood and adolescent sexual abuse among adult homosexual and bisexual men." The head researcher for this paper was from the CDC and a great ignorance of the gay community was manifested in defining "sexual abuse." Almost half of the homosexual and bisexual males deemed to have been "sexually abused" (37% of the sample) reported having responded either neutrally or positively to the sexual abuse. For example, an 18-year-old male who reported having had consensual sex with a 29-year-old male "more powerful than himself" was deemed to have been sexually abused.

This ethnocentric lack of sensitivity to gay community realities also becomes "racism" when other gay/bisexual male realities are taken into consideration. In a study of Asian gay/bisexual males in North America, it is reported that these males "regularly chose non-Asians partners, frequently men older than themselves.... They preferred men who were big, were thick muscled, or possessed other physical traits less common in Asian men." (Matteson, DR. Bisexual and homosexual behavior and HIV risk among Chinese-, Filipino-, and Korean-American men. The Journal of Sex Research, 24(1), 1997, p. 99.) The desired males are obviously "more powerful," meaning that CDC researchers would have labelled their desired experiences to have been "sexual abuse" if the age difference was also what the researchers dictated to be a criteria for defining "sexual abuse." Matteson (1997) also noted that these Asian-American males, without knowing it, were reproducing a predictable Asian pattern of homosexuality - something like the Latino pattern : "Latin homosexuality" where only the effeminate males (the sexually passive ones in homosexual activity) are defined to be homosexual.In a study of forty 18- to 19-year-old homosexual males in Singapore, it is noted that the "majority" of these males were effeminate and, while in school, "admired a senior person in school and about a third had physical relations with this person." (Kok, LP. Et al. Profile of a homosexual in Singapore. Singapore Medical Journal, 32(6), p. 403-8.) In addition to having positive sexual relationships with desired older males, however, they had also been at risk for being sexually abused ("sexually molested") as children or adolescents; 45% (plus 10% "not sure") reported having had such experiences compared to a child sexual abuse rate of 4% (plus 4% "not sure") for a control group of heterosexual males also studied. Adolescent boy seeking out older males (as many have always done) for sex/love relationships in North America have also been at high risk for meeting someone who will sexually abuse them - "sexual abuse" being defined by individual and not the researcher.

-The word "homosexuality" produced "0 documents," and the same result when combined with "suicide" or "suicide attempt."

Conclusion: Anyone seeking information from CDC documents about adolescent and youth suicide problems possibly being related to "gay" or "homosexuality" issues may find nothing.

A More Generic Search

-The words "sexual orientation" and "adolescence" or "adolescent" produced only 4 documents in which both words were noted. Three of them were related to AIDS/HIV. The fourth was a 1995 CDC Bibliography referencing the "Introduction" to the infamous 1995 "Sexual Orientation" Suppl. 25 of Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior. The word "adolescence" was located in other cited items not mentioning "sexual orientation." Reading this reference would certainly not encourage anyone to incorporate "sexual orientation" issues in suicide prevention or intervention programs.

Is the CDC uneasy about using words such as "homosexual" or "bisexual ?"

These words occur in 65 and 21 documents, respectively, out of about 11,000 documents. Even with respect to documents containing the word "AIDS" (533 documents) which has predominantly affected homosexual and bisexual males in North America, the word "homosexual" existed in only 48 "AIDS" documents (9%), and the word "bisexual" existed in 15 (2.8%) of the "AIDS" documents.

Conclusion: A serious - even scandalous - problem appears to exist at the Centers for Disease Control with respect to "homosexuality issues."

-Even the Division of Adolescent and School Health (DASH) information supplied on the Internet does not contain information even suggesting that gay, lesbian, or bisexual adolescents and young adults would be "at risk" for most of the serious youth problems, including suicide problems..

-A 1986-1992 CDC Bibliography references some papers from the 1989 Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide, but not the two (Gibson, P.; Harry, J.) addressing "homosexuality issues."

Programs for the Prevention of Suicide Among Adolescents and Young Adults (MMWR 43, April 22, 1994, pp. 1-7) with recommendation. (Available at http://www.cdc.gov/epo/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/00031525.htm)

Nothing was mentioned in this CDC document about "homosexuality" being an important issue to address in youth suicide prevention programs. Furthermore, given the realities related to GLB (gay, lesbian, and bisexual) children, adolescents, and young adults in our society (such as homophobia and the general lack of related knowledge and understanding of GLB issues by professionals and other working with youth), many cited suicide prevention strategies would be highly inappropriate (even dangerous) if the at risk youth happen to be gay, lesbian, or bisexual.

Even the CDC's Youth Suicide Prevention Programs: A resource guide (1992, US DHHS) does not include in its "References" section the two papers addressing "homosexuality issues" (Gibson, P. and Harry. J.) in the 1989 Report of the Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide. These papers were not removed from the Report, but mainstream suicidologists (including the ones at the CDC and NIMH) have certainly behaved as if these papers did not exist.

What will it eventually mean about the CDC's ability to address serious youth problems, such as male youth suicide problems, if it is eventually confirmed that homosexual and bisexual males account for the majority of the most serious suicide attempts (attempts at self-killing) by male adolescents and youth? Has the CDC been concerned about the "high risk" status of gay and bisexual adolescents and young adult with respect to contracting HIV? What has the CDC really been doing in this respect? Maybe someone should investigate.

Note 5

National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH: http://www.nimh.nih.gov/).

A study of the NIMH adolescent and youth suicide information available on the Internet revealed an emphasis in maintaining the research status quo. The traditionally recognized associated factors with suicidal behaviors (especially mental and conduct disorders) are to be further explored. A distinct emphasis is also placed on researching "biological" factors possibly associated with suicidal problems. In Studies of Suicide and Suicidal Behavior: Program Announcement (August 1995, revised), it is stated: "This program is in response to the Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide, consistent with Healthy People 2000 health objectives for the Nation, and reflects its mission to support research objectives on mental disorders." This document has resulted in the writing of papers which also essentially ignore homosexuality issues such as Responding to Healthy People 2000: Depression in our youth, common yet misunderstood (Mordrcin-McCarthy, MA. and Dalton, MM., Pediatric Nursing, 19, 275-90, 1996). {A 1999 search of "Abstracts of Currently Funded Research Grants Pertaining to Suicidal Behavior" at http://www.nimh.nih.gov/research/suiabs.htm also produced no research related to "gay' or "homosexuality" issues.]

In Selected Bibliography on Suicide Research (1997), only one paper from the Task Force Report is cited and it reflects the above noted "mental disorder" bias: Kovacs, M. et al. Major psychiatric disorders as risk factors in youth suicide. The two Task Force papers addressing "homosexuality factors" in the youth suicide problems (Gibson, P.; Harry, J.) are not cited, and the same applies for all the research papers published on gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescent and youth suicide problems.

Cited, however, is the entire "Special Issue" of Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior (Vol. 25) "Suicide Prevention Toward the Year 2000." Emphasized in this issue is the idea that no good evidence exists to suspect that "homosexuality" would likely be implicated in adolescent and youth suicide problems. This "Special Issue" is discussed in The Homosexuality Factor in the Youth Suicide Problem. Ignoring homosexuality issues in mainstream youth suicidology (the status quo) is therefore permitted to continue.

The only referenced item related to "sexual orientation" is the issue of Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior (Suppl. 25) titled "Research issues in suicide and sexual orientation" edited by Moscicki, E., Muehrer, P., Potter, L., and Marris, R.. To emphasize that this topic is not a "mainstream" issue in youth suicide problems and youth suicide prevention programs, the reference was placed in the "Special Topics" section containing only three items; the other two are related to euthanasia. The irony here is mainstream suicidology's treatment of homosexuality issues has, in many ways, been equivalent to subjecting gay and lesbian youth to an insidious form of euthanasia. In his 1983 book, I thought People like that killed themselves, Eric Rofes equated the indifference of mainstream suicidologists toward gay/bisexual/lesbian suicide problems to a form of genocide, and little has changed in the past 15 years thanks to highly placed (lethally homophobic?) suicidologists with a not-so-hidden agenda.

In the NIMH document available on the Internet, nothing about the possible significance of "the homosexuality factor" in adolescent and youth suicide problems was encountered, including in the section Child and Adolescent Disorders Research Branch which outlines the major concerns of youth suicidologists. "Sexual orientation" issues are not included.

At best, in the NIMH 1997 Selected Bibliography, only a few papers may have made a "token" mention of "homosexuality issues," as it was done in at least one of the papers (eg. Garland et al., 1993). Possibly to take care of such opinions, the NIMH supplied a warning concerning items listed in the bibliography. "Please note that not all of the articles have involved funding by the NIMH. The views expressed by the authors of these articles do not necessarily reflect the official position of the National Institute of Mental Health,, or any other component of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services." What is the official position of the US Department of Health and Human Services with respect to "homosexuality issues" in adolescent and young adult suicide problems? Will anyone be requesting an answer to this question?

What will it mean about the ability of the National Institute of Mental Health to address serious adolescent and youth problems if it is eventually recognized that self-identifying gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents are 3-times more at risk for suicide attempts, and four-times more at risk for the more serious suicide attempts (the results of the 1996 Seattle School Study) than are heterosexual-identifying adolescents?

What will it mean about the ability of the National Institute of Mental Health to address serious adolescent and youth problems - given the facts of the case - if it is eventually recognized that gay and bisexual young adult males are about three-times more at risk for having experienced "self-harm" and 14-times more at risk for having attempted an act of self-killing (the results of the Bagley and Tremblay study)? What would it also mean if it became eventually recognized that gay and bisexual males account for more than half of the male adolescent and youth attempts at self-killing (another result of the Bagley and Tremblay study)? Would not NIMH have overlooked something very important? What may have happened (and why) may eventually be the object of a postdoctoral study in youth suicidology, or even the object of a major inquiry in the United States and Canada.

Note 6

Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Communities

Generally, gay/lesbian/bisexual communities have remained indifferent to the health and welfare of gay/lesbian/bisexual adolescents. This (cruel? gutless? but often rationalized) indifference is well known and has been described to be "tragic" in a law paper outlining the common abuse of these youth, as has been the American legal system's continued indifference to these abuses. (Martin, SR. A child's right to be gay: addressing the emotional maltreatment of queer youth. Hastings Law Journal, Vol. 48(1), 1996.) The gay communities' indifference has also applied to queer youth making contact with the more visible parts of these communities. Far too often gay/bisexual male youth:

a) Have been raped in varied situations by gay/bisexual identified males. Calgary's gay community leaders have refused to address this problem (as well as others), even refusing to talk about this reality. An example of a 14-year-old boy who was raped and the resulting problems: (http://members.tripod.com/~claytoly/Bills_Story). Other rape situations (commonly perpetrated by heterosexual-identified males) sometimes involve male youth who are raped because they were mistaken for being gay: Update 1996 and Washington Governor's Letter. An extensive documentation of the rape situation which has existed in North American juvenile and adult males prison is available. (Eg. Scacco, AM. Ed. Male Rape: a casebook of sexual aggressions. AMS Press, 1982.)

b) Have reported being generally viewed only as "fresh meat"; they are at risk for being used/abused (especially emotionally), but also sexually. Gay/bisexual male street youth are especially at risk of such abuse, including rape. As a rule, gay/bisexual adolescents/youths who have been raped inside or outside the gay community do not report what happened to them, thus protecting rapists (who may be heterosexual identified) and essentially granting them a licence to rape. Lana Stermac et al. (1996) notes: "...that the majority of [mostly young adult male] victims [of sexual assault or rape] are gay or bisexual and are at least acquainted with their assailants [who are also mostly homosexual or bisexual] - have been supported by other recent investigations of sexual assault of males and studies of sexual coercion in dating relationships of adult males." (Sexual assault of adult males. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol 11, No. 1, March 1996, pp. 52-64)

Gay/lesbian/bisexual youth are also at risk for "domestic violence," which may include rape, but a general silence (especially for males) has existed about this phenomenon affecting gay/lesbian/bisexual individuals of all ages. From the article "Survey Finds Homosexuals Rarely Report Domestic Violence" (http://www.sddt.com/files/librarywire/96wireheadlines/10_96/DN96_10_22/DN96_10_22_caj.html): "[San Francisco (May have to search for article at web site.)] activists said despite the [domestic violence study] results, the gay community has been slow to react to domestic violence, partly fearing it would contribute to prejudices about the nature of gay relationships." In other words, gay communities (including the largest ones) avoid dealing with problems which, if known about, would make them "look bad."

Gay/bisexual male youth may also be at risk after having made contact with a gay/lesbian/bisexual youth support group. Some of these groups have essentially been "youth exploiting youth" situations, but abused adolescents and youths most often remain silent; they greatly fear losing the only support group which may be available to them. One well traveled 19-year-old gay youth reported to me in 1994 that about half of these groups were "fuckfest" (sic) situations in Canada. A number of reasons exist to explain the phenomenon.

North American gay/lesbian/bisexual communities (and their leaders) have learned that talking about the many problems (including youth problems) is dangerous; these facts will "make US look bad" and "damned" in the eyes of OUR enemies. Silence, however, will certainly damn us in our own eyes (unless denial applies), and especially in the eyes of the ones who will pay (have payed) the highest price for society's homophobia and OUR silence.

There also has been a general gay community "silence" about the significant percentage of gay/bisexual adolescents who are mostly/only emotionally/sexually attracted to older males, often enough two- and three-times their age. When problems result, however, their denied existence essentially make services unavailable to them, or they believe that help would not be available to them. Generally, only inappropriate services (or a lack of services) have been made available to these adolescents, including to the ones engaging in visible to more covert forms of prostitution. Commonly, it is not the sex engaged in by these boys which troubles them, but it is being used and discarded when, more than anything, a number of them wanted to have a love relationship. Being repeatedly discarded has been implicated qualitatively in the suicidal problems of some boys seeking relationships with men (Kruks, G. Gay and lesbian homeless/street youth: special issues and concerns. Journal of Adolescent Health, 12, 515-518, 1991).

Morris et al. (1995) notes: "The results strongly support the hypothesis that younger gay men with older [sex] partners are at the leading edge of the epidemic in their cohort." (Social and sexual networks: their role in the spread of HIV/AIDS among gay men. AIDS Education and Prevention, Vol. 7, Suppl. 5, pp. 24-35.) Although this conclusion is based on research data about gay males 18 years of age and older, the preference for older males is commonly manifested by adolescent gay and bisexual males, and it may be acted even before the age of 12. Many of the studied gay males having sex with older males would have begun doing this well before the age of 18, often enough by the age of 14, or even at a younger age. (Related Information: A, B,and via the index in the For Journalist... section.

There are some unsavory members of gay/bisexual male communities (including abusive male youths) who would not want to see distressed (even suicidal) male youth helped; this would make them much less vulnerable and therefore less "usable" and "fuckable." This situation must change, first by beginning to talk about this reality. Some adolescents (and young adults) use sexual activities as an anti-depressant. Others, as the result of deprivation, go though "a child in a candy store" phase (as one 14-year-old bar-frequenting Calgary gay teenager described it) when they first venture into the core of a gay community. A certain number act out socially learned negative stereotypes and engage either in prostitution (Boyer, 1989 in Gay and Lesbian Youth, G. Herdt, Ed.) or in remarkably similar non-payed rampant sexual activity; this places them at greater risk for contracting STDs (as many do) and HIV. Other factors, such a history of child sexual abuse and related unresolved problems (usually poorly understood by mental professionals or even totally misunderstood), may be implicated in such behavior.

A major problem has also become more evident in gay communities since AIDS became a problem: lying or hypocrisy disguised as morality. In his recent book, Reviving the Tribe, Eric Rofes reported on the kind of safer-sex education being supplied by AIDS organizations for the most at risk gay and bisexual males: there has been much withholding of "unsafe sex" information by the most at risk gay/bisexual males, usually because they fear the results of the new morality which has increasingly infected North American gay communities. They fear being severely reprimanded, or even stigmatized for not having practiced safer sex either occasionally or most of the time. The reasons for this have largely remained unaddressed (or ineffectively addressed) and are not understood.

This highly lethal morality replicates the one also manifested with respect to gay and bisexual males engaging in a well known and documented gay community tradition: public sex. Richard Tewsbury (1996) reports that "a sizable minority (or perhaps a slight majority) of gay men at one time or another seek out anonymous sex in a public sex arena... [but] this is not an activity that is commonly discussed openly among gay men... Within the gay community... such activity remains stigmatized" and is reported to even be "highly stigmatized." (Cruising for sex in public places: the structure and language of men's hidden, erotic worlds. Deviant Behavior: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 17, 1-19, 1996) It has been most disturbing to see that, even in gay communities, many gay males have been increasingly lying (even to each other) about what they actually do. There was more honesty existing in this respect in the 1970s and early 1980s, and dishonesty will generally preclude addressing related problems. Such community imposed dishonesty may well be a major factor implicated in the ongoing AIDS pandemic in North American gay communities. A very common gay/bisexual youth pet peeve manifested soon after they have ventured in a gay community was rendered by a 17-year-old gay male: "Why do so many people lie all the time?"

I was recently observing a 30-year-old middle-class Calgary gay male (who had spent the last 10 years cruising public washrooms) present himself quite differently to a 20-year-old male he wanted sexually. Having noticed that the youth wanted more than the rampant sexuality he had been exposed to in the community (Note 7), he began to severely criticize gay males who only wanted sex, including those who engaged in public sex. I later noted to him that his hypocrisy reflected what the best known researcher of homosexual public sex (Laud Humphreys) had reported in his 1975 book Tearoom Trade: impersonal sex in public places. For married males involved in public sex, most presented a 'morality' image (for social consumption and approval) which was the opposite of their reality.

Gay communities (especially some of their leaders, and far too many of them exist in Calgary) have increasingly been stigmatizing their own kind, in much the same way as the greater community had traditionally stigmatized all homosexually oriented people for their "bad" unacceptable behavior or desires. Serious problems will result from this, such as the often reported inability to effectively address the life-threatening "unsafe sex" problems of the most "at risk" one-third of the gay/bisexual male population. This lethal increasingly hypocritical gay/lesbian community morality has also been directed at me; the hope has been that I will not address "sensitive" issues. What kind of person would I be, however, if I adhered to such pressures?

I have refused to be silent (no matter what the pressure tactics have been, and no matter what the price) about major problems existing inside and outside gay/bisexual male communities. Repeatedly, I have told gay and lesbian individuals: "If WE don't give a damn about gay, lesbian, and bisexual children, adolescents, and young adults, can WE expect the greater community to be concerned?" Given that boys who have sex with men are probably the adolescents most at risk for contracting HIV, what has it meant about the morality of gay communities given their silence about this reality? For more information on the subject, see relevant sections in For Journalists, Advocates, and Activists.

Given the recent gay/lesbian-positive changes in the CBE (Calgary Board of Education), Calgary's gay/bisexual male community will be increasingly experiencing a "fresh meat bonanza" - as the evolving situation will certainly be perceived (and experienced) by many adult gay and bisexual males. I am therefore hoping that the CBE will behave responsibly, especially with respect to supplying appropriate and effective "safer sex" education to boys who will be seeking out men for sex and maybe "love" relationships (Note 7).

These boys will also need additional appropriate education to help them avoid or at least lessen other potentially life-threatening problems which may be associated with their quest for men, or their quest to find "the man of their dreams." Telling these boys to avoid what they emotionally/sexually desire, however, will not work, much like telling some gay/bisexual males to avoid public sex would produce similar results. Even former laws which criminalized homosexual behavior did not stop most gay/bisexual males from seeking and experiencing what they wanted. The famous Kinsey 1948 study of males and the Bell & Weinberg (1978) study of a 1969 sample of gay and bisexual males confirm this for the period when all or most American states deemed same-gender male sexual activities to be criminal acts.

Knowledge, understanding, and wisdom - not the politics of "appearances" - must guide what is done to help gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender children and adolescents in society, schools, and in their families. Doing anything less - and especially being more concerned about one's "appearance," is certainly highly unethical and grossly immoral behavior.

Note 7

The gay and bisexual male youth "love" situation

The February/March 1997 issue of American gay youth magazine "XY" was devoted to "LOVE" issues: a major problem for many gay and bisexual male adolescents and young adults. Although intimate love relationships exist in the gay and bisexual youth world, they are the exception, as I discovered when I ventured into gay communities in the late 1970s. I was seeking a love relationship (and experienced one lasting for 12 years) in spite of the great negativism encountered and incredible "community" pressure to be only sexual and sexually available - as almost everyone appeared to be. The problem existing 20 years ago remains, as the following excepts from XY articles reveal. The most common pet peeve I have encountered is: "Love relationships are rare, and maybe they are almost impossible to have in the gay world." The situation continues as the following excerpts illustrate.

"But when I came out, the closeness I was looking for wasn't what I found. Instead, I fell into the gay community's 'if you're gay, young and cute, you have to be one of those guys who sleeps around' stigma... And I learned from all the wonderful people I met that sex was just sex and that the whole closeness thing was merely a pipe dream - certainly unattainable [if not via sex]."

"My problem arises when people just coming out see our community as only sexual. That affects me. They learn, like young people in every culture, from their peers and elders. What they see, hear and experience is what they are going to assume the gay community is. With this type of base, they are going to have a very difficult time making their love lives flourish...There are some people who want more than sex and don't feel 'sex is just sex.'" (Eric Weldon The trouble with sex, p. 53.)

Marc describes his encounters from the age of 17 when he illegally ventured into gay clubs on a quest to find the males he was most attracted to: the ones about 10 years older than himself. By the age of 19, he had "had two 'official' relationships... lasting no more than a couple of months," and he has not been impressed with what he learned. "Maybe this pattern simply indicates bad choices on my part. I guess I can see why older men think 19-year-olds have nothing more than sex to offer. But it surprises me that the older crowd want shallow, detached physical contacts while their younger counterparts are searching so very, very hard for something more substantial." (Marc Foster, Nineteen, p. 21.)

A 1999 Note: When a Calgary gay community leader read the above discontent manifested by gay youth, he labelled the attitude "homophobic!" In other words, if these boys do not appreciate what gay communities have had to offer, they  are homophobic. Such gay youth have certainly been venturing into gay communities and they may have become very depressed - even suicidal - but such a suicide victim would deemed to have been a victim of society's homophobia which eventually killed him. Many gay youth come from a world of hatred and generally have reasonable expectation for a gay community. In a Hartford Advocate feature article titlted They're Here, They're Queer,  we read: "It has to do with the stigma of being gay," says Evan, a teen who attends Your Turf. "Society thinks gays are promiscuous and dirty. And you think, 'Am I that person? I don't want to be that person." What happens, however, when a gay kid ventures into gay communities only to discover what the gay kids noted above? That, as a rule, there are great efforts made by gay males to make these kids everthing they did not want to be. Unfortunately, the scholars studying gay youth generally do not venture into studying such "politically" sensitive issues. Even the mostly gay scolars who have studied gay youth suicidality have generally avoided noting if the suicide attempt(s) occurred before or after the youths made contact with one of the many attributes (institutions) of gay communities.


A 17-year-old gay youth I knew wanted to find the "perfect" male with whom he would first experience sex. This "perfect" male was met in a gay bar and was about 30-years-old, but the sexual encounter proved problematic. The older gay male did his best so that the sexual encounter would not be in the "safer sex" category. Luckily, the boy was empowered and refused to have sex in unsafe ways, only to later discover that the "perfect" male he had chosen was HIV-positive and diagnosed with AIDS. The reality of a significant number of older HIV-positive gay males behaving in such ways has been reported in The Advocate. In the 1992 cover story America's Worst-Kept secret: AIDS is Devastating the Nation's Teenagers, and Gay Kids are Dying by the Thousands, Gabe Kruks, the director of public policy and planning for the Los Angeles gay and lesbian Community Services Center, describes the multi-faceted nature of the adolescents and AIDS problem, without avoiding to mention some negative features of L.A.'s gay community (also existing in most other gay communities):

"Gay boys and straight girls who are having sex for money, shelter, love - they are at risk. And our community, the gay and lesbian community - and I particularly fault gay men here - has done nothing to try to help our youth. Gay men view these boys as recreational toys to be used. I have heard many stories of HIV-positive men having unprotected sex with boys. They don't think it matters. If there is a single reason why so little is being done in this country about adolescent AIDS, it is that as a nation we are terribly afraid of the sexuality of our teens. These kids, no matter how they identify, gay or straight, need more than condoms and instructions on how to use them. They need someone to talk to, a support network, a place where they can feel safe and secure and where their confidentiality and personal histories are going to be protected and respected (Brownworth, V., p. 41).

I recently met a 24-year-old male (a professional actively concerned about the welfare of gay, lesbian and bisexual youth) who reported that he had been quite lucky. He has been in a "love" relationship (for the past four years) with a 39-year-old male, and they had also jointly purchased a home. Gay and bisexual male youths wishing a long-term stable (maybe monogamous) relationship most often do not find what they want (for a number of reasons), and their "relationships" may also not be approved of by some people. (Example: the two-year relationship of three gay male youth - a threesome - reported on page 46 of the above noted XY magazine.) A significant number of gay and bisexual male adolescents and young adult, however, appear to be content with "sex only" relationships; this may not be the case. Related discussions are needed, but they are rare.

A major problem with the XY LOVE issue was the complete absence of representation from the lives of the gay bisexual boys ranging in age from 12 to 17 years. What are (have been) their experiences and their "love" desires and needs? Are their varied needs (sexual/emotional) being met to any degree? One of the XY articles dealt with NAMBLA (The North American Man Boy Love Association), but gay or bisexual boys having sex with men is only one of the realities related to the lives of some boys. More information on the subject would have certainly benefitted all reading the XY LOVE issue

Report of the Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide.

Forwarded by: gclayton@waonline.com

From: SARATOGANY@aol.com[SMTP:SARATOGANY@aol.com]
Sent: Thursday, May 22, 1997 2:54 PM Subject: US Government Report on GL Youth Suicide No longer Available

The Government Printing Office, GPO and the National Institute of Mental Health, NIMH, have told me the 1989, US Health and Human Services', Report of the Secretary's Task Force On Youth Suicide, Vol. #3, Pub No. (ADM) 89-1623, 1989, is not available any longer and has NOT been replaced with any updated or recent document. From the time it had been released and found to have an entire volumn (Vol. #3) addressing gay and lesbian youth suicide, subtle attempts have been made to hide this report.

This REPORT is widely used and cited by many that strive to curtail GL youth suicide and advocates working to end homphobia in schools, eg:

Massachusetts Governor Weld's Commission On Gay and Lesbian Youth, Education Report, " Making Schools Safe for Gay and Lesbian Youth" 1993. (for a copy write or call: The Commission on Gay and Lesbian Youth, State House, Room 111, Boston, MA 02133 or call (617) 727-3600 x 312) and

Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund, LLDEF, "Stopping Anti Gay Abuse In High Schools- A Legal Perspective"( for a copy write or call: LLDEF, 120 Wall Street, Suite 1500, New York, NY 10005 or call (212) 809-8585).

The US- HHS report is widely excerpted in a book (paperback) "DEATH BY DENIAL- Studies of suicide in gay and lesbian teenagers" by Gary Remafedi, M.d., M.P.H., Boston Alyson Publications, Inc.

In my opinion, it is irresponsible for the government to abolish this very important document without replacement.

Action Request:
Please contact your US Representatives and Senators and tell them you want this government document made readily available again to the tax paying public.

Thanks
John Myers (saratogany@aol.com)

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Email:   Pierre Tremblay: ----- pierre@youth-suicide.com ----- (403) 245-8827
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