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The U.S  Surgeon General :
Will He Do Something to Help ? 
NO ? !  - Yes?!

The National Strategy for Suicide Prevention
Released in 2001 - Part 2 (Part 1)

2010-2011 News / Update: 10 Years Later!

Feds support new national LGBT youth suicide prevention task force (USA, 2010)
Task Forces Focus on LGBT Youth, American Indians/Alaska Natives, Military/Veterans (2010)
Related: 1, 2, 3. Notes of Caution / Warnings: 1, 2 (Paragraphs 7-9), 3, 4.
Will it be white racist GLBT suicide prevention? - To be Ignored: Two Spirit Youth? GLBT Street Youth?
Will these GB adolescent males also be ignored as it was done by HIV/AIDS Prevention Researchers? (This Web Page)

To Effectively Address a Serious Problem, Good to Know How It Developed. Related Paper.
A Department of Silence: Bullying of LGBT youth not a priority (2010).

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) Office of the Surgeon General and National Action Alliance for Suicide Prevention (2012).
2012 National Strategy for Suicide Prevention: Goals and Objectives for Action
. Washington, DC: HHS, September. PDF Download. Download Page.

See section "Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Populations."

 
A Highly Neglected Issue: Boys Who Have Sex With Men

Does the Surgeon General know about this? If not, why not?

How many GLB professionals have known about this reality? What would it mean about their assumed 
GLB adolescents/youth "expertise" if they claimed to not know about this? Could they be lying? 
If so, why? Why have so many GLB professionals been silent about this "at risk" factor?
When this issues has been brought up, have GLB communities (meaning community 'leaders')
actively worked to have this information suppressed? If so, what would this mean?
If a group of GLB professionals deemed to be the experts on GLB health issues were told of this
reality and the possible "unprofessional conduct" implications, what would their responses be?
An inquiry related to these issues and especially of the related "ethical" implications is ongoing...



Cover, Rob (2011). The Chasm and the Abyss: Queer Theory and the Socialities of Queer Youth Suicide. Interalia, 6(1): 1-22. PDF Download.

Excerpt: After two decades of queer theory, as the application of poststructuralist theory in the fields of gender and sexuality, we have a powerful set of tools for the investigation and understanding of the complexity, multiplicity and cultural constitution of sexual identity. These tools, however, are rarely used in contemporary discussions, academic literature, intervention strategies, policy and service provision for youth at risk of suicide and self-harm. Whether suicide is understood through mental health frameworks or through the relationship between the individual and sociality, it is never disconnected from the ways in which identity is constructed and performed in cultural contexts; this connection is even more pertinent in the case of sexuality which, unlike other axes of identity, involves particularly trajectories of becoming in a normalising framework, whether those be heteronormative or homonormative 'expectations'. Drawing on the insights of queer theory on the constructedness and multiplicity of sexuality, this paper seeks to provide a framework for future pragmatic ways in which sexuality-related risk factors in youth suicide can be addressed by opening the field of 'available discourses' of sexuality. It discusses some of the ways in which the constraint of sexuality under the regime of the hetero/homo binary can be understood as contributing to youth suicides. It is to see that, for an individual subject, felt sexual erotics that may fall outside the dominant discourses of sexuality and remain unrepresented poses a significant risk in a society which demands a particularly narrow set of sexual identities (hetero/homo) and subjective coherence, intelligibility and recognisability (Cover, "Queer Subjects of Suicide" - Emphasis mine.)...

Rind B (2013). Homosexual Orientation - From Nature, Not Abuse: A Critique of Roberts, Glymour, and Koenen (2013). Archives of Sexual Behavior. [Epub ahead of print]  Abstract.

Abstract: Roberts, Glymour, and Koenen (2013), using instrumental variable models, argued that child abuse causes homosexual orientation, defined in part as any same-sex attractions. Their instruments were various negative family environment factors. In their analyses, they found that child sexual abuse (CSA) was more strongly related to homosexual orientation than non-sexual maltreatment was, especially among males. The present commentary therefore focused on male CSA. It is argued that Roberts et al.'s "abuse model" is incorrect and an alternative is presented. Male homosexual behavior is common in primates and has been common in many human societies, such that an evolved human male homosexual potential, with individual variation, can be assumed. Cultural variation has been strongly influenced by cultural norms. In our society, homosexual expression is rare because it is counternormative. The "counternormativity model" offered here holds that negative family environment weakens normative controls and increases counternormative thinking and behavior, which, in combination with sufficient homosexual potential and relevant, reinforcing experiences, can produce a homosexual orientation. This is a benign or positive model (innate potential plus release and reinforcement), in contrast to Roberts et al.'s negative model (abuse plus emotional compensation or cognitive distortion). The abuse model is criticized for being based on the sexual victimological paradigm, which developed to describe the female experience in rape and incest. This poorly fits the gay male experience, as demonstrated in a brief non-clinical literature review. Validly understanding male homosexuality, it is argued, requires the broad perspective, as employed here.

Excerpt: "A notable feature of research into the gay male experience has been the documentation of the development of same-sex sexual attractions and desires (e.g., Savin-Williams, 1997, 2006). As discussed previously, these emerge on average at age 10. Importantly, such attractions and desires are frequently directed at significantly older youths or adults, rather than just peers (e.g., McClintock&Herdt, 1996; Savin-Williams, 1997). For example, Trachtenberg (2005) compiled anecdotes of first same-sex attractions in a sample of gay men, who had achieved celebrity status in their profession. From the 20 cases providing enough information, 18 were directed at adult men. Among these 18 cases, in the 15where their ages could be determined, the mean age of onset of the age-gap attractions was 9.73 years (SD= 2.81). In his study of 129 gay and bisexual young men, Savin- Williams (1997) noted how frequently initial attractions were directed at significantly older males rather than peers. Spada (1979) foundthat35%ofhis participants developedhomoerotic desires and crushes before age 10, with an additional 41% by age 14. In the 18 illustrative examples he provided, these initial attractions were directed at older youths and men, as opposed to peers, by a margin of 4:1. In Jay and Young’s (1977) 33 illustrative examples, 61%of initial erotic attractions were directed at men or much older youths, while only 27%were directed at peer-aged boys. In The National Lesbian and Gay Survey (1993), 17 (68%) of 25 illustrations of early boyhood crushes and homoerotic desires were directed at men."

Arrington-Sanders R, Leonard L, Brooks D, Celentano D, Ellen J (2013). Older Partner Selection in Young African-American Men Who Have Sex With Men. Journal of Adolescent Health. [Epub ahead of print]. Abstract.

Abstract Excerpts: Young African-American (AA) men who have sex with men (YAAMSM) have experienced the greatest proportional increase in new HIV cases compared with other groups. Bridging sexual partnerships between YAAMSM and older aged cohorts with higher rates of primary HIV infection has emerged as an important independent risk factor for the development of HIV. We explored reasons young AAMSM cite for being attracted to and seeking an older partner and the interpersonal needs met within older sexual partnerships... Seventeen in-depth semistructured qualitative interviews were conducted in YAAMSM residing in a midsized urban city with high HIV prevalence... Two themes emerged from the text for seeking an older sexual partner: the emotional maturity the older partner represented and the ability of the older partner to expose the younger partner to more life experiences. In addition, two themes emerged around attraction: support and physical attractiveness of the older partner. Few men described seeking age-discordant relationships for the sole purpose of exchange sex. Older partners during first same-sex experience helped younger partners sort through sexual position and how to perform in relationships... These interviews suggest that YAAMSM may be seeking older partners to fulfill desires to be in a stable, emotionally mature relationship and for exposure in the larger community. Prevention strategies aimed at targeting adolescent MSM age-discordant relationships will need to address the interpersonal needs met within older sexual partnerships.


Oster AM, Dorell CG, Mena LA, Thomas PE, Toledo CA, Heffelfinger JD (2011). HIV risk among young African American men who have sex with men: a case-control study in Mississippi. American Journal of Public Health, 101(1): 137-43. Abstract. Full Text.

Abstract: We conducted a case-control study in the Jackson, Mississippi, area to identify factors associated with HIV infection among young African American men who have sex with men (MSM)... During February to April 2008, we used surveillance records to identify young (16-25 years old) African American MSM diagnosed with HIV between 2006 and 2008 (case participants) and recruited young African American MSM who did not have HIV (controls). Logistic regression analysis was used to assess factors associated with HIV infection... In a multivariable analysis of 25 case participants and 85 controls, having older male partners (adjusted odds ratio [OR] = 5.5; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.8, 17.3), engaging in unprotected anal intercourse with casual male partners (adjusted OR = 6.3; 95% CI = 1.8, 22.3), and being likely to give in to a partner who wanted to have unprotected sex (adjusted OR = 5.0; 95% CI = 1.2, 20.6) were associated with HIV infection... Given the high prevalence of risk behaviors among the young African American MSM in our study, HIV prevention efforts must begin before or during early adolescence and need to focus on improving negotiation and communication regarding sex.


Hurt CB, Matthews DD, Calabria MS, Green KA, Adimora AA, Golin CE, Hightow-Weidman LB (2010). Sex with older partners is associated with primary HIV infection among men who have sex with men in North Carolina. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, 54(2): 185-90. Abstract. Full Text.

Abstract: Studies from the 1990s suggested sex with older partners was associated with HIV infection. We evaluated the hypothesized association between primary HIV infection (PHI) and having older sexual partners among men who have sex with men (MSM)... Of 74 men reporting any lifetime sex with men, 20 had PHI (27%). Demographics (including age) were similar between groups; 39% were non-white and 74% identified as gay. The mean age of sex partners differed significantly: men with PHI had partners on average 6 years older than themselves, whereas uninfected men's partners were 4 months their junior (P < 0.001). After adjusting for race, sex while intoxicated, and having a serodiscordant/serostatus unknown partner, a participant had twice the odds of PHI if his sex partner was 5 years his senior (odds ratio 2.0, 95% confidence interval: 1.2 to 3.3)... Among a sample of young MSM, the odds of HIV infection increased significantly as the age of sexual partners increased. These findings can inform behavioral interventions in communities of at-risk MSM and secondary prevention efforts among those already living with HIV.

Riegel, David L (2011). The Role of Andophilia in the Psychosexual Development of Boys. International Journal of Sexual Health, 23: 2-13. Abstract. Full Text (Free). Responses.

Abstract: It is generally recognized that boys, and especially later prepubertal and young adolescent boys, are openly attracted to older boys and men. They identify with these more mature, most often unrelated males; they want to learn about the masculine world; they want to “be like” these people. This article examines previctimological and more recent literature to consider the extent to which boys' generalized inclinations to explore, experience, and enjoy their emerging masculinity in the company of older males also may be manifested in their psychosexual developmental interests, desires, and activities. Insights from the literature concerning boys' perspectives are taken into account, and various extraneous factors that may negatively affect boys' psychosexual development are considered. The authenticity of this juvenile male androphilic sexuality is found to be supported, as is the repression thereof as a significant dynamic in young male social alienation and maladjustment.

Bruce D, et al. (2011). Age-Concordant and Age-Discordant Sexual Behavior Among Gay and Bisexual Male Adolescents. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 2011 Feb 3. [Epub ahead of print]. Abstract.

Abstract: There is evidence that risks for HIV and sexually transmitted infections among adolescent females are higher for those with older male sexual partners. Yet, little empirical research has been conducted with male adolescents who engage in sexual activity with older men. In this article, we summarize in a number of ways the range of sexual activity reported by an ethnically diverse sample of 200 gay and bisexual male youth (15-22 years old) in Chicago and Miami. A general pattern of progression from oral sex with men to both receptive and insertive anal sex with men appeared to characterize the sample during their adolescence. Further, there appeared to be a high degree of "versatile" positioning among the sexually active gay and bisexual young men, in both age-discrepant and age-concordant dyads. Risk analysis revealed having primarily age-concordant partners to be a significant predictor of sexual risk behavior. HIV risk among young gay and bisexual men engaging in sexual activity with older men may occur not only within a distinct biological context from their heterosexual counterparts, but also in a social context that may not as rigidly bound to traditional assumptions about age, gender, and power. The significant associations among participants with partners who were the same age and the risk behavior measures in this analysis have implications for HIV prevention efforts..

Green R (2010). Hebephilia is a Mental Disorder? Sexual Offender Treatment, 5(1). HTML. PDF.

Abstract: The proposed inclusion of a hebephilic sexual orientation (early pubescent males and/or females) in DSM-5 compromises the scientific credibility of psychiatry. Moralism about the age of an acceptable sexual partner drives this proposal. It ignores common patterns of sexual arousal, cultural variability, and historic precedents. It blurs the domains of psychiatry and law. The age of sexual consent is 14 in much of Europe. An example of the new "mentally disordered" would be a 19 year old with a consenting 14 year old. Where sexual interaction is legally accepted, but pathologized as mental disorder, psychiatry attempts to act as an agent of social control..

Frances A, First MB (2011). Hebephilia is not a mental disorder in DSM-IV-TR and should not become one in DSM-5. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law Online, 39, 78-85. Reference. Abstract. Full Text.

Abstract: The paraphilia section of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) is being misinterpreted in the forensic evaluations of sexually violent offenders. The resulting misuse of the term paraphilia not otherwise specified, hebephilia, has justified the inappropriate involuntary commitment of individuals who do not in fact qualify for a DSM-IV-TR diagnosis of mental disorder. This article has two purposes: to clarify what the DSM-IV-TR was meant to convey and how it has been twisted in translation within the legal system, and to warn that the DSM-5 proposal to include pedohebephilia threatens to make the current bad situation very much worse in the future.

Franklin K (2010). Hebephilia: Quintessence of Diagnostic Pretextuality. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 28(6):751-68. Abstract. PDF

Abstract: Hebephilia is an archaic term used to describe adult sexual attraction to adolescents. Prior to the advent of contemporary sexually violent predator laws, the term was not found in any dictionary or formal diagnostic system. Overnight, it is on the fast track toward recognition as a psychiatric condition meriting inclusion in the upcoming fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. This article traces the sudden emergence and popularity of hebephilia to pressure from the legal arena and, specifically, to the legal mandate of a serious mental abnormality for civil commitment of sex offenders. Hebephilia is proposed as a quintessential example of pretextuality, in which special interests promote a pseudoscientific construct that furthers an implicit, instrumental goal. Inherent problems with the construct's reliability and validity are discussed. A warning is issued about unintended consequences if hebephilia or its relative, pedohebephilia, make their way into the DSM-5, due out in 2013..

Greenesmith H (2010). Drawing Bisexuality Back into the Picture: How Bisexuality Fits into LGBT Legal Strategy Ten Years After Bisexual Erasure. PDF. PDF.

The queer community is stuck with one another. We are lucky enough to represent all humans. Everyone has a sexual orientation and a gender identity, just as everyone has a race, a national origin, and a creed. We cannot, as a community, allow the complexity of human identity and sexuality to be our excuse for forgetting those among us who do not fit along the binary or into a neat definition. As humanity continues to expand and evolve, we will continue to discover new identities and expressions. We must be prepared to accept and address human sexuality and identity or we will fail as a movement.

A 2003 Study: "Children and adolescents who sell sex: a community study" by Willy Pedersen & Kristinn Hegna.  Social Science and Medicine, 56: 135-147 (PubMed Abstract).  The noted "1.4%" of adolescents who sell sex consisted of 0.6% girls and 2.1% boys, meaning that  for every "1" girl selling sex in Oslo, there are "3.5" boys selling sex.

A Common Place Where Sexual Encounters Occur Between Gay Teenagers and Men: "I lived there when I was a teenager and my favourite thing in London is the public toilets... it's like a gay sex club on every street-corner. (Interview: Alexis Arquette)

The Calgary Situation: Society is the "Best Friend" of the older male clients! "Sex-trade boys ignored [survey of 40 social services agencies in Calgary finds that society's attitudes are biggest barrier to boys getting assistance to get off the streets; they have difficulty finding services to help; mention that one researcher has applied for funding to study Alberta male sex workers; etc.]. From Perceptions, vol 18, No. 8, 2001 (Alternate link)

Related Information: Brooks, Ross (2004). The desire and pursuit of the whole: Testosterone, perceived dominance, and sexual preference in men. Full Text. PDF Download.

Politics and Biomedicine: [American] Studies of Gay Men, Prostitutes Come Under Scrutiny.

The Child Porn Hoax (2007)

Abusing Not Only Children, but Also Science (2010). -  Is pedophilia ever acceptable? (2010)

When A Boy Wants A Man (2010).

Et Tu, New Publisher? (June 11, 2009): Nearly four years after an academic journal nixed plans to publish a piece about sex between adult and adolescent males of antiquity, the controversy is erupting again. This time, however, it’s not conservative critics yelling the loudest. A group of classicists, now twice thwarted in efforts to publish on the provocative subject, have taken aim at one of the world’s largest publishers,saying Taylor & Francis Group has placed reputational concerns above the legitimate scholarly pursuits it ought to promote...

The gay boys who fall in love with men - or one man in particular - and are rejected by the man who may have deemed such a relationship to be inappropriate, are at risk for suicide. This happened to Antonio Izquierdo (1998) who, having fallen in love with a man from the age of 8 to 13 and having his love rejected, and after having reported his problems to a school counselor who advised him to begin dating girls, "went to the cliffs near my high school and just stood at the edge for hours crying like a child. I had been thinking of killing myself for a long time, I even attempted it."  A part of the gay-identidied male world has a history of not only having fallen in love with men as adolescents, and sometimes as children, but a number of studies have been published on various attributes of such relationships (e.g. Positively Experienced Man/Boy Sex: The Discourse of Seduction and the Social Construction of Masculinity by Terry Leahy. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, Vol 28(1), 1992. (Interview with males who had sex with men when they were between the age of 8 to 16 years.) Must scroll abstract).

Boys who like boys who like men who like boys (2012): I was simply in love with this man.  In 1981 the movie Time Bandits was released and quickly became a favorite of mine. This film follows a boy through a fantastic adventure in which he ultimately seeks a father figure. During the course of this adventure he finds himself under the care of a King, played by Sean Connery.  This part of the film was always my favorite. I felt, that while not overtly stated in any manner in the content of the film, their relationship was pederastic. I was very jealous of the boy in the film and at age 8 desired this sort of sexual relationship with an adult male. I relate these personal experiences to introduce the idea that children are indeed sexual beings in both emotional and physical capacities. To deny this fact I feel could put children at a greater risk of coercion and abuse. To not have an open and appropriate dialogue at every age about sex and sexuality is to not allow a child to fully and properly develop. My father at every age of my life had appropriate conversations with me about my sexuality. He made sure I knew my body was my own. He reassured me that masturbation was healthy and something I should engage in if I wanted. He also was very clear that the only time it was ok for someone to touch me in any way was if it was consensual... "The most important period in gay history where intergenerational relationships were concerned was undoubtedly in Germany during the early homosexual movement, before identity politics ran amok as it has in the American gay movement for the past couple of decades," he says. "No such flowering of boy-love, or pederastic groups or publications has occurred anywhere else in comparison to the first decades of the twentieth century in Germany." The subject of how low the age of consent should be is a contentious issue. Most gay rights group consider it toxic...  Most people automatically relegate any relationship with legal minors as out of bounds. But there are others -- not only the old, but the younger partner -- who consider such boundaries artificial. Whether these fall within the boundaries of acceptable behavior or not, the fact remains that younger men are often attracted to older ones; sometimes, they’re much older. Intergenerational relationships will remains for the foreseeable the stuff of snide innuendo if not outright illegality. But for those inside those relationships, what works, works.


Young Man, Older Man: Why Intergenerational Love Works (2011): Often in the gay world, there appears to be even less acceptance and more catty criticism about such age-differing partnerships. The daddy-son complex is often mentioned. Chicken hawk, cradle robber, gold digger and grave digger are just some of the terms we use for predators young-on-old and vice-versa. But where are we -- or maybe, where should we be -- in terms of accepting that sometimes, birds of a feather don’t flock together, that like doesn’t always choose like? What if -- gasp! -- some older men and younger really do make a go of it...  Paul White also publishes a website, his called Gray Gay. It’s a place for mature gay men and their admirers. He categorizes an intergenerational relationship as "more than 25 years apart in age, since that is accepted cycle of each generation."  "I realized I was attracted to older men when I was a teenager," he relates. "I met my first partner when I was 22. He was 55 and we were together for around 18 years, but gradually the nature of our relationship changed, as I wanted to live together and he didn’t." British-born White is now 53 and living with his current partner in Australia, whom he met 16 years ago and is 79 years old.  "I knew I was gay and I knew I only liked older men, but I found it impossible to find positive impressions of such relationships," White complains. "I am firmly of the opinion that any successful relationship requires that you to have a common interest that you share, as well as allowing for your differences."  As for his opinion on age of consent, "Certainly I knew physically I was attracted to older men at the age of 14, but I am not so sure I could have dealt with it emotionally unlike I had my first experience at 18."

An Age-Old Issue: When I first began my gay life way back in the pre-digital era, my partners were usually older. That had more to do with my inability to pick up guys my own age. It was an older man (who coincidentally had a much younger lover) who taught me oral skills and who had a great line in gay anecdotage, his way of imparting secret gay men’s business in a time when we were prosecuted as well as persecuted. He inducted me into the Homo Hall of Infamy.  The first guy to fuck me, in the beachside grass at The Entrance, was an older married man. He was also the first man to break my heart. I discovered he was fucking every young guy he could pick up when away from the missus. That said, he was the only person to congratulate me, via a telegram which I still have, for passing my High School Leaving Certificate.  There were a lot of older guys in my youth, and in me, because inevitably they were tops and didn’t flip flop, and just as inevitably they had wives and children at home. Young guys with whom I became friendly also had older boyfriends or fuck buddies and we saw no difficulty with that. They probably had no idea they were practising that grand old Roman tradition of the older generation passing on their experience to the younger.  Frankly, I didn’t much care how old the man was who was sticking it to me as long as I liked him.

I'm 14, I'm Gay & I Want a Boyfriend (1997) N/A (Alternate Link): Fourteen year old Lee tells Peter Tatchell about first sex, boyfriends, coming out, paedophilia,and why an age of consent of 16 won't help under-age gays like him. Lee is 14. He's been having sex with boys since the age of eight,and with men since he was 12. Lee has a serious problem. He wants a steady relationship and has been going out recently with a guy in his mid-twenties,who he met at the hairdressers. But in the eyes of the law, Lee's partner is a paedophile and Lee is a victim of child abuse.That's not, however, the way Lee sees it: "I want to have a boyfriend. It's my choice. No one's abusing me. Why should we be treated like criminals?" Note: Peter Tatchell removed the items from his "Age of Consent" section for reasons written there.

Childhood Sexual Abuse & HIV among Latino Gay Men (2008): Voluntary sex at age 13 with "a much older man": "I was biking and I saw this very handsome man and we started talking. Next day I said oh my God, I’m in love I think. The next day I went to see him again... it was so obvious that when I saw him, I got a hard on and he noticed. So the next day he invites me to bike around. He took me to this outdoor area and we had the great sex. It was first time I was penetrated. I know he was much older... and he was very careful and he probably knew it was my first time. I didn’t feel much pain. He was very tender and careful. It was great... how he treated me I think probably influenced the way I had sex from there on. I think it was a good experience, therefore, I see sex as positive."

Truth or Dare (2009): Tommy was the Tae Kwon Do instructor who helped me win match after match, the friend who took me on weekend joyrides, the older brother who taught me everything he knew about sex, and in just a few months’ time, he would become the man I sent to jail.

Stanley JL, Bartholomew K, Oram D (2004). Gay and bisexual men's age-discrepant childhood sexual experiences. Journal of Sex research, 41(4): 381-289. Full Text. PDF. - Holmes WC (2008). Men's self-definitions of abusive childhood sexual experiences, and potentially related risky behavioral and psychiatric outcomes. Child Abuse & Neglect, 32(1): 83-97. PDF. - Arreola S, Neilands T, Pollack L, Paul J, Catania J (2008). Childhood sexual experiences and adult health sequelae among gay and bisexual men: defining childhood sexual abuse. Journal of Sex research, 45(3): 246-52. Full Text. - Arreola SG, Neilands TB, Díaz R (2009). Childhood Sexual Abuse and the Sociocultural Context of Sexual Risk Among Adult Latino Gay and Bisexual Men. American Journal of Public Health, Suppl 2: S432-438. PDF. Abstract.


I have expected researchers who study and write about gay and bisexual male adolescent / youth problems to have "a minimum knowledge" about this sector of the population. Personally, I grew up in an environment that was very different with respect to homosexuality than what is generally reported: that adolescent and adult male homosexuality is a rarity, and that homosexually oriented males only make up 2 to 3 percent of the male population. This issue is addressed in The Social Construction of Male Homosexuality, Related Suicide Problems and Research Proposals for the Twenty First Century. The paper was presented at The 11th Annual Sociological Symposium: "Deconstructing Youth Suicide" (San Diego State University - March 17, 2000) within the context of reporting that I had gown up in a world were adolescent male homosexually was the rule as opposed to being "the exception" (Published Bio) that has become the modern view of male homosexuality in the western world. The "San Diego" paper is available online at  http://www.youth-suicide.com/gay-bisexual/gay-youth-suicide-san-diego.htm . A 2004 updated version of the paper is also available: http://www.youth-suicide.com/gay-bisexual/construction/ .

By "knowledgeable about males who self-identify as gay or bisexual," and especially about the youngest ones who identify as such, I mean knowing at least what I recognized long ago to be common in gay and bisexual male reports of their childhood and adolescence. This knowledge was, in fact, being acquired soon after I ventured into 'gay communities' in the late 1970s and began talking with these males, some of them still in adolescence, and down to the age of 14 years for males who had either contacted a gay youth organization and / or had somehow managed to venture into gay clubs even if they were not of legal age to do this. As illustrated in Queer as Folk (The British version), the 15-year-old hero, Nathan, had little trouble getting into gay clubs once the twice-his-age older male (with whom he had sexually related, including penis / tongue anal penetration by the older male, Stuart, followed by anal penetration by the latter) made this club access possible via methods that I have seen replicated in Calgary and elsewhere. (Some information related to Queer as Folk is at http://onthebox.netfirms.com/Articles/BritQAF/BritQAF.html . For 'political reasons' related to not wanting the American people to think about the possibility that many gay-identified males would relate sexually with boys in mid adolescence, or even younger, the American version of Queer as Folk upped the age of the young hero to 17 years who would also have few problems locating older males who would relate sexually with him. Concerning such censorship, Diesel Ballaam wrote the following in the Gay and Lesbian Humanist Review (Alternate Link): "This is the series which has allegedly caused outrage over scenes depicting rimming, under age sex, toilet sex, insemination babies, drug taking, and all the other things we all know go on, but which we patronisingly assume the hetties have to be protected from." - Prime-time pederasty. (Insider Report): ""It does show a portion of gay life that perhaps the gay community at large doesn't want everyone to know about -- the promiscuity and rabid drug use," he told the June 19, 2001 issue of The Advocate. "I hear from people who say, 'I was like Brian when I was 29 -- it's realistic and should be celebrated.' And I also hear a common criticism, 'I don't want my mom and the straight world knowing about this,' even from people currently living that life.""

The fact that many boys who identify as gay or bisexual at an early age do have sex with men, and that there is a significant number of gay / bisexual identified males who will have sex with boys is not a fact of life that 'politically correct' gay / lesbian community leaders have wanted to be known and some of them (maybe many) have worked to make sure such knowledge remains generally unknown (often by denials), or that it is not talked about (via censorship). Some of their tactics to maintain this silence has also been quite vicious, even toward researchers who have dared to speak on this subject as it was witnessed in Calgary's highly tribal gay and lesbian 'community' in 1996. Aids Calgary also did not want to have this issue addressed - spoken about - in spite of the fact that such a concern is simply an issue related to epidemiological mathematics. Given the fact that young gay / bisexual identified males do not always practice "safer sex" when relating sexually with other males, including much older gay / bisexual identified males, and if "the obvious" was to be considered when it comes to HIV "at risk" gay / bisexual male adolescents, it would be concluded that the adolescents most "at risk" for contracting HIV at the earliest age are those relating sexually with the sector of the gay / bisexual men known to be most likely infected with HIV: males aged 25 to 45 year. (Unfortunately, even with lesser taboo realities, North American GLB communities have had a history of generally being silent about related problems as reported in Note B)

It is therefore with great amazement - and with the suspicion that great unethical conduct has been the rule on the part of almost all (often gay or bisexual) researcher involved with research of HIV risk in gay / bisexual youth - that "a general silence" has continued to be maintained about boys who have sex with men. At this site, however, where integrity rules, such a silence has always been broken, and to the point that some concerned gay individuals did tell me that speaking about this fact of life was not good "politically" for the so-called 'gay community' where, as reported in the "San Diego" conference paper, lying has been endemic, even between males who are apparently relating sexually - intimately - with each other; this was a major finding of an ethnomethodological study of gay and bisexual identified males carried out in France (de Luze, 1990). Yet, anyone with average intelligence and a minimum of knowledge about 'gay communities' would not have been able to avoid "seeing" that boys who were sexually relating with men were not only "at risk" with respect to contracting HIV, but that they may also be "at risk" with respect to experiencing suicide problems. This fact was 'hinted' at in the McDaniel, J.S., Purcell, D.W., & D'Augelli, A.R. (2001) paper in the following way:

"In one study of gay and bisexual male youths who attempted suicide, gender nonconformity and precocious psychosexual development were predictors of self-harm (Remafedi et al.,1991). The association of early self-identification as GLB and same-sex sexual behavior with suicide attempts has been confirmed in other studies (Hershberger, Pilkington, & D’Augelli, 1997). Similarly, youths who self-labeled or self-disclosed, or who disclosed to others their homosexual orientation at an early age or those who were presumed to be gay because of gender nonconformity were more vulnerable to victimization (D’Augelli, Hershberger, & Pilkington, 1998; Pilkington & D’Augelli, 1995)" (p. 98).
Although the issue of "gender nonconformity" was mixed with early gay / bisexual identification by the authors, reading "on the line" still produces the fact that boys who report being homosexually active at the youngest ages (being precocious) are at high risk for suicidality. Left unspoken, however, is the nature of the sexual experiences of the boys reporting to be homosexually active at the youngest ages. Concerning this, Tremblay and Ramsay (2000) reported:

Quoting begins... (If the original script is read, links to all references are available.)

The Remafedi et al. (1991) study of 137 gay and bisexual male (14- to 21-years-old) reports data indicating that 39 percent of studied youth had been runaways, 39 percent sexually abused, 35 percent arrested, and 20 percent had engaged in prostitution. The associated attempted suicide incidences for males having these often overlapping attributes are 37 (20/54), 47 (25/53), 44 (21/48), and 43 (12/28) percent respectively, the average for the sample being 30 percent. With respect to gender attributes, 23 percent of the males were classified "feminine," 26 percent were "undifferentiated," 31 percent were "androgynous," and 20 percent were rated as "masculine," and their respective suicide attempt incidences are 48 (15/31), 34 (12/35), 26 (11/42), and 11 (3/28) percent. There is therefore a general "suicide attempt" risk decrease from males being feminine, to males being masculine, the former having a 4.4 times greater likelihood for having attempted suicide than their "masculine" counterparts (48% vs 11%).

Many gay and bisexual identified adolescent males with a history of being runaways or throwaways, and especially the ones venturing into prostitution, form a sector of the more visible "gay communities" given that they are relating sexually with homosexually oriented men; Bell and Weinberg (1978) reported that 27 percent of predominantly homosexual males studied had paid for sex, and 25 percent had been paid for sex (p. 311). Not all gay and bisexual male adolescents making contact with gay communities, however, are in these categories, and little had been studied or written about their experiences and problems, including their ongoing risks for suicide problems and suicide. Real life story segment are nonetheless occasionally encountered within the context of researchers reporting on significant problems for which gay and bisexual male adolescents are at risk:

...[Y]outh who received the intervention [a lengthy safer sex education program] said that they would engage in unsafe sex when they felt particularly distressed because they thought it was hopeless for them to protect themselves from becoming HIV positive. In addition, youths who were overwhelmed by emotional distress would bring to the group problems regarding their latest crisis, for example, being involved with a partner who was suicidal or who was being threatened by a previous partner; for these youth these problems took precedence over making behavior changes toward less unprotected sex (Rotheram-Borus, 1995, p. 593).
A significant number of homosexually oriented male adolescents are attracted (commonly enough "only attracted") to older males and they will seek to have sexual relationships with them, often with the hope that love will be a major part of the relationship. This aspiration for love is an integral part of the adolescent male prostitution world, and "many youth" who have ventured into the Los Angeles Youth Service Center are described by Gabe Kruks.
The "sugar daddy" usually present himself to the youth in a loving caretaker manner. For street youth who have a past history of rejection and/or abuse, the promise to be loved and cared for is a compelling one. [These youth usually have many of these relationships and] each of these is a cycle of falling in love, believing that life will now be wonderful forever and that this older adult truly loves the young person, discovering that in fact it is just sex that the adult wants, feeling the impact of one more betrayal, and ending up on the streets again. This whole cycle lasts an average of 1-2 months, and the youth often becomes extremely suicidal at the end of each cycle (Kruks, 1991, p. 518).[See Note A for major implications of this field observation on interpreting "sexual abuse" research results.]
Gay and bisexual male adolescents and young adults engaging in prostitution are reported to be at higher risk for suicide attempts (Nicholas and Howard, 1998), but they have not been the only ones attracted to older males and acting accordingly. Others have also been seeking sex (with the hope of love) relationships with older males as illustrated in the special "Love" issue of San Francisco's gay youth XY Magazine:
But when I came out, the closeness I was looking for wasn't what I found. Instead, I fell into the gay community's 'if you're gay, young and cute, you have to be one of those guys who sleeps around' stigma... And I learned from all the wonderful people I met that sex was just sex and that the whole closeness thing was merely a pipe dream - certainly unattainable [if not via sex]... My problem arises when people just coming out see our community as only sexual. That affects me. They learn, like young people in every culture, from their peers and elders. What they see, hear and experience is what they are going to assume the gay community is. With this type of base, they are going to have a very difficult time making their love lives flourish... There are some people who want more than sex and don't feel "sex is just sex" (Weldon, 1997, p. 53).
Marc describes his encounters from the age of 17 when he illegally ventured into gay clubs on a quest to find the males he was most attracted to: the ones about 10 years older than himself.
[By the age of 19, he had] had two "official" relationships... lasting no more than a couple of months, [and he has not been impressed with what he learned.] Maybe this pattern simply indicates bad choices on my part. I guess I can see why older men think 19-year-olds have nothing more than sex to offer. But it surprises me that the older crowd want shallow, detached physical contacts while their younger counterparts are searching so very,  very hard for something more substantial (Foster, 1997, p. 21).
The attraction of young gay males for older males is described in the "Older Partner" section of the report, Dangerous Inhibitions: How America is letting AIDS become an epidemic of the young. The section begins with: "Many young people find older partners attractive. All the young men and women participating in one series of PMI focus groups said that they prefer their sexual partners to be at least five years older than them" (Collins, 1997). Rotheram-Borus et al. (1995) reports that "many homosexual male adolescents have sexual relationships with homosexual men..., the group with the highest prevalence for AIDS" (p. 589), but most researchers have not been up front about this reality. For example, the Povinelli et al. (1996) study reports on a sample of 501 males aged 13 to 21 years "who self-identified as homosexual or bisexual or as having sex with men" (p. 33), the implication being that 13- to 16-year-old males are "men." The Remafedi (1994) study sample of 239 males aged 13 to 21 years uses similar terminology. The males in the sample were "self-identified as gay or bisexual and/or had sex with men... High risk sex between men account for the largest proportion of AIDS cases among adolescents (13 to 21 years of age)" (p. 163).  More honestly, however, Morris et. al. (1995) reported "that younger gay men with older partners are the leading edge of the [HIV-AIDS] epidemic in their cohort" (p. 24), and this problem would have begun early adolescence for some of the youngest males in the sample who were 18 years of age when studied.

Adolescent males who identify as gay or bisexual at the youngest age are at the greatest risk for suicide attempts (Remafedi et al., 1991; Schneider et al., 1989; D'Augelli et al., 1993; Hershberger et al, 1997; Nicholas and Howard, 1998), and they are most likely to be the youngest individuals becoming associated with some aspect of gay communities such as youth groups from which many study samples are obtained (Schneider et al., 1989; D'Augelli et al., 1993; Hershberger et al, 1997; Proctor and Groze, 1994). For many homosexually oriented male adolescents, however, their first contacts is with a well known part of gay communities known as the "public sex" or "anonymous sex" arena which has been participated in by about 50 percent of gay and bisexual males (Tewsbury, 1996). Uribe and Harbeck (1992) report on the related experiences of adolescent males:

Of the 37 males [in high school ranging in age from 16- to 18-years-old], 35 were already sexually active with other males. The average for the first sexual experience was 14 years, and in the majority of the cases this was with an unknown male... None of the males in this sample had his first sexual experience in a 'safe' manner, and none was still with his first sexual partner. [Furthermore], half of the study participants acknowledged engaging in suicide attempts in the year prior to the interview... Fifteen of these boys were living with friends, two admitted to living with 'sugar daddies,' and three were in residential or foster homes for gay adolescents (p. 21-22).
............

Remafedi et al. (1991) reported high rates of sexual abuse for gay and bisexual male youth (39%), but also noted that sexual abuse generally postdated sexual identification as gay or bisexual. The unspoken implication is that the sexual abuse likely occurred after they made themselves available for sexual experiences often occurring via making contact with some gay community attribute such as the "public sex" arena, as most of the first sexual experiences occurred for the teenage gay males studied by Uribe and Harbeck (1992). Sexual assault and rape after adolescent males have made contact with gay communities, however, remain hidden in all studies reporting such experiences, often assumed to be "child sexual abuse" having occurred before the individual made contact with gay communities. This assumption may be incorrect.

About 20 to 39 percent of homosexually oriented males have experienced unwanted sexual acts (sexual abuse, sexual assault) by the age of 17 (Doll et al., 1992; Caballo-Dieguez and Dolezal, 1995; Holmes, 1997, Lenderking, 1997, Remafedi et al., 1991), and such experiences have been linked to a lifetime higher incidence of suicidal behaviors, including suicide attempts, in adolescent and young adult males (Bagley et al., 1994; Bagley et al., 1995), and in young adult gay males (Nicholas and Howard, 1998). The international incidences for boys being sexually abused ranges from 2 to 11 percent, with up to 16 percent results in Alberta, Canada (MacMillan et al., 1997). Homosexually oriented males may also be at greater risk for sexual abuse at younger ages given that one study reported that boys sexually abused before the age of 13 were 4 times more likely to be homosexual than boys not sexually abused (Finkelhor, 1979).

Substance abuse is also associated with suicide attempts of gay and bisexual male youth (Remafedi et al., 1991), as is alcohol abuse (D'Augelli and Hersberger, 1993), and both these problems are well recognized risk factors for both suicide attempts and suicides in mainstream youth populations (Brent, 1995; Mazza, 1997). Youth Risk Behavior Survey studies have reported that homosexually oriented adolescents (self-identified as gay, lesbian, or bisexual and/ or being homosexually active) are many times more at risk for multiple drug and/or alcohol use and abuse than their heterosexual counterparts (Garofalo et al. 1998; Faulkner et al., 1998; Note 10). Psychiatric symptoms such as depression have also been linked to suicide attempts for homosexually oriented youth (Nicholas and Howard, 1998; Hershberger et al, 1997; D'Augelli et al., 1993), and depression has been linked to suicide attempts and suicide in mainstream adolescent and youth population (Brent, 1995; Mazza, 1997). For homosexually oriented adolescents, however, psychiatric symptoms are likely related to, or exacerbated by, many of their most unfavorable life outcomes, and these symptoms should not be deemed "biological" in origin.

The Seal at al. (2000) qualitative study of seventy-two 16- to 25-year old young men who have sex with men (YMSM) from two midwest American cities reports on the multifaceted socially imposed problems of these youth. "Low self-esteem and self-worth, a lack of self-care and self-love, hopelessness and depression and teen suicide factors were believed to underlie unsafe sexual behavior:

There are time when I wished to God I would have just been dead. I couldn't go through the pain of who I was or the pain of trying to live my life. There was so much hurt. It wouldn't have mattered if I had gotten HIV. To be that would have been the simplest solution. I wouldn't have had to do a thing. I just would have had to lay there. I wouldn't have had to slit my wrists or commit suicide any other way. It's a more painful way, but if you're on a suicide mission it doesn't matter.
Participants further pointed out that may YMSM, and particularly YMSM of Color, lived with a pervasive sense of hopelessness in multiple aspects of their lives. Consideration of adverse long-term consequences of behavior was difficult for men who lived with daily violence, poverty, and despair and who held few expectations about a lengthy life:
When it comes down to it, the guys I talk to just don't care about life. They say life has nothing to offer them. A lot of times their mothers and fathers have disowned them and their family won't deal with them anymore because they are gay. They have no life, no family no future (p. 10).
...Some YMSM derived excitement from conscious unsafe sex: 'There's times with anonymous pickups that I won't use a condom. The thrill of not knowing whether he (an anonymous pickup) is gay or straight makes it difficult for me to stay safe.' Several respondents reported that more and more YMSM found sexual excitement in the 'Fuck of Death', that is, conscious unprotected receptive anal sex with a known HIV-positive partner or 'bug giver'" (p. 11).

An association between a history of suicide attempts and practicing unsafe sex by gay males was reported by Lewis (1988), but individual cases of gay males contracting HIV as a way to commit suicide had been reported as early as 1985 (Frances et al., 1985; Flavin et al., 1986). By the late 1990s, the phenomenon was reported in association with gay youth (Tompkins-Rosenblatt, 1997:  "Intentional HIV contraction: implications for direct child and youth care"), and from an analysis of Vancouver's Vanguard Project cohort of young men who have sex with men ranging in age from 18 to 30 years. A history of attempting suicide was the second most statistically significant association differentiating males who were "risk takers" compared to males who were not risk takers with respect to placing themselves at risk for contracting HIV (Martindale, 1997). Seal et al. (2000) report a similar phenomenon as noted above...

Quoting from Tremblay & Ramsay (2000) ends.

The fact that a number of older gay and bisexual identified males adolescents (including some heterosexual identified male adolescents) report that they were willingly relating sexually with much older males is a fact of life as revealed by studies such as:

Leahy, Terry (1992). Positively experienced man/boy sex: the discourse of seduction and social construction of masculinity. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 28(1), 1992. (Interview with boys who had sex with men when they were between the age of 8 to 16 years.)

Connell, Davis, and Dowsett (1993) praised the above study within the context of reporting on yet another aspect of adolescent male homosexuality:

"In the endless discussion of teenage sex, remarkably little is said about homosexual experience. Researchers, too, have been coy about this issue, partly because of moral panics about 'paedophiles'; Leahy's (1992) recent contribution in this journal being a notable exception. Our interviews reported patterns of childhood or adolescent sexuality in which male-to-male contact was common. Lyle Graham and his teenage mates went off to masturbate together in the sandhills almost every day. Peter Farthing called it 'fiddlies'. He recalls that he 'fiddled with' a variety of boys, for instance, being played with with his older brother's mate at the movies while his brother 'had it off' with a girl in the back row." (p. 117)
Leahy (1992) listed three studies of boys who have sex with men: Wilson (1981), Sandfort (1982), and Rossman (1985). With respect to the Sandfort (1982, 1983) study and how many manage to reject facts that are at odds with their learned beliefs, Rind (2001) states:
"The incest model also strongly influenced how researchers, other professionals, and the lay public attempted to understand these encounters, including those between adolescent boys and unrelated adults (Jenkins, 1998; Rind, 1998). For example, Masters et al. (1985) rejected the findings of Sandfort (1983) who concluded that a mostly adolescent sample of Dutch boys experienced their sexual relationships with men predominantly positively. They argued, consistent with the incest model, that these relationships were inherently abusive and exploitative and therefore necessarily negative, regardless of contrary claims by the boys themselves. In rejecting the boys' reports of positive reactions, Masters et al. speculated that they made them up because they were intimidated by the men. Similarly, the media have frequently also exhibited the influence of the incest model. In one typical example, an editorial in a major U.S. newspaper asserted that sexual encounters between adolescent boys and men are "profoundly damaging," because they "invariably involve the imposition of power and exploitation, in the most fearfully private of all ways... [which leaves] emotional scars, distrusts, [and] self-contempt that last through lifetimes" (Philadelphia Inquirer, 1984, p. 22A)".
These studies of relationships between men and boys, however, were mostly one-to-one relationships, but there are other ways that boys will seek out men as this French Canadian example illustrates:
"My father would not give me any money. My mother was in hospitalized for psychiatric problems. I had no one to turn to. I began going with men by the age of 12 or 13, to be spoiled by them, and my father took notice. One day, when I was taking a shower, he came to join me. Surprised, I tried to fight him off. He said: 'What? You don't want to do with your father what you are doing with other men? I will also reward you, if you are nice to me.' I was caught and he must have followed me to discover what I had been doing... From that time on, I had no choice." (Dorais, 1997, p. 40. Translation by Pierre Tremblay, author of this web page. This book became available in English from McGill-Queen's University Press in 2002: Don't tell: the sexual abuse of boys - 2002 - by Michel Dorais - Google Books)
This example illustrates the fact that boys who are relating sexually with men may become at risk if the secret lives are discovered, let's say by men (in this case, his father) who may want to have sex with boys and may seek out situation where the boy will not report what he will code as "abuse" because what is happening is against his will. In such situations, the boy will think: "If I tell anyone (about this physical or sexual abuse, rape, etc.), he will then tell on me - tell what I have been doing - then everyone will know and that will be the end of me!" Such a situation was, in fact, reported to me in Calgary. A boy's brother-in-law had left his wife and began living with his wife's teenage brother who was going to school. A "interested" teacher befriended the boy, soon discovered the boy's living arrangements, and then made his move. [Such boys commonly give out certain signals often read by men who seek to have sex with boys as reported in some sexual abuse cases documented by Dorais (1997).] The teacher told the boy that he would do well in the course being taught if he had sex with him. If not, then he would fail. To 'solve' this problem, given that the boy did not want to report the incident because the teacher could then reveal the boy's living arrangement and thereby harm the man he lived with and loved, his only "out" from this situation was to quit school and enrolled in another school. When this boy told me his experience - he was 20 years of age at the time - and my thoughts were: "Who has socially created these situations where any man who wishes to abuse [sexually assault / rape] these boys - the boys who seek love / sex relationships with men - can do so, with almost no chance of experiencing any negative consequences?"

Other boys in similar situations, and especially if they are on the streets, may experience even more devastating life experiences as this example from Sidney, Australia illustrates:

Although Casey {with a history of eight suicide attempts] reckons he "always knew" he was gay, he became one of the kids who was "forced into doing it". After moving to Sydney, Casey was drawn into a string of abusive "relationships".

Because of his low self-esteem borne of the silence, Casey says he was easy pickings for deeply-closeted homosexual "sick tickets" who found more pleasure in hearing screams for mercy as they held knives to the throats of other parents' sons than in real and open love.

Starved of real love and left with little hope, Casey, like many young gays, turned to chemical "friends" to fill the void. His only human friends became the other youngsters traded by the "sick tickets".

"Of the thirteen of us, I'm one of only three that's still alive today," Casey says. "Most of my friends blew their heads off, some of them OD'd and some of them have died from AIDS. They were all bright kids with talents and promising futures" (Clacher, 1997).

When boys are attracted to men emotionally and sexually, they soon discover that they are acquiring the ultimate in an "outsider" status, and more so now than in the past given that many professionals specializing in "child sexual abuse" deem all sexual acts between boys (often defined as being 16 years of age or younger) and involving a significantly older males (often defined as five years older than the boy) to be act of "sexual abuse," even if the younger males reporting such experiences defined these experiences to have been of the "wanted" and "desired." This was repeated recently, for example, in the Marie Tomeo et al. (2001) study of 124 homosexual men, 121 of whom were recruited at a "homosexual pride event in the central California area" (p. 537). The incidence of molestation by a male or males for these homosexual males was 45.5% (56/124), and 16.4% (30/124) for molestation by a female, for a total of 49.2% of these males reporting experiences deemed to have been "molestation" (or 'sexual abuse') by the researchers. For a sample of heterosexual males also studied, a sample of male university students, the incidence of deemed "molestation" by a male was 6.7% (12/205) and it was 30.0% (41/205) for deemed "molestation" by an older female (Table 3, p. 539).

The question would now be: "How many gay or bisexual identified adults have had sexual experiences as boys that would be decreed to be "sexual abuse" by many professionals?" Bruce Rind (2001) reports relevant information in a paper also reporting on the abuses he has been experiencing because he has acknowledged this reality:

"In March 1999 the Rind et al. (1998) meta-analysis came under intense attack by social conservatives (see Rind et al., 2000, for details). The Philadelphia radio talk show host who initiated the nationwide attacks pressured the Philadelphia gay and lesbian bookstore to remove all materials on intergenerational sex (e.g., books, newsletters). The owner yielded, but protested that 'I have thought it interesting that so many gay men I know report having had positive sexual experiences with adults when they were boys' (Giovanni's Room press release, March 24, 1999). Reacting to this comment and the controversy surrounding the meta-analysis, two journalists for a Philadelphia gay publication conducted interviews at various gay youth centers with male teen volunteers who had had sexual relations with men (Nickels and Hocker, 1999). Results supported the bookstore owner's observation: most of the nine volunteers reacted positively and none reacted negatively. Rejecting the notion that they had been abused, the tees instead identified various psychological, emotional, and educational benefits that the relationships conferred" (Rind, 2001: 349).
The report that many gay or bisexual identified adolescents seek out or enjoy sex and/or love relationships with men replicates what I have long know to also be (or have been) the case for many gay / bisexual identified males in Calgary, the "have been the case" applying for males who were interviewed when they were adults. However, by 1996 in Calgary, Calgary's gay community had come under the leadership of lesbians with university degrees (of the 'therapist' kind) who had been inappropriately 'educated' about the reality of the lives of gay / bisexual identified boys, and especially about the ones who are in violation of the apparent 'truths' they had assimilated uncritically in fields like psychology, psychiatry, social work, etc. As a result of their 'education', they therefore proceeded to muzzle anyone speaking about the above reality, thus making sure that the existence of such boys would be denied. That is, the existence of these boys was not to be acknowledged in programs such as HIV prevention, suicide prevention, or in any other program that was to address "at risk" situations for gay and bisexual identified boys.

To illustrate the commonality of gay / bisexual identified boys who have sex with men, Rind (2001) used a sample of gay males that was made available by Savin-Williams:

"This study drew its data from research conducted by Savin-Williams (1997), a Cornell University psychologist who interviewed two samples of young adult gay and bisexual males to examine gay/bisexual identity development. Some of the data were obtained directly from Savin-Williams; other data were obtained from his 1997 report summarizing this research. Savin-Williams employed an interpretive interview approach, in which he requested his subjects to ground their memories in specific details during face-to-face interviews and to tell 'their own story' (p. 11). He argued, citing supporting methodological research (Kessler and Wethington, 1991; Ross, 1984), that this technique, along with the fact that subjects were generally only several years or months removed from important developmental sexual experiences or milestones, added to the validity of the results" (Rind, 2001: 351-2).
The challenge of this study and the percentage of gay / bisexual males reporting intergenerational relationships is given in the abstract to Rind's study:
"Over the last quarter century the incest model, with its image of helpless victims exploited and traumatized by powerful perpetrators, has come to dominate perceptions of virtually all forms of adult-minor sex. Thus, even willing sexual relations between gay or bisexual adolescent boys and adult men, which differ from father-daughter incest in many important ways, are generally seen by the lay public and professionals as traumatizing and psychologically injurious. This study assessed this common perception by examining a nonclinical, mostly college sample of gay and bisexual men. Of the 129 men in the study, 26 were identified as having had age-discrepant sexual relations (ADSRs) as adolescents between 12 and 17 years of age with adult males. Men with ADSR experiences were as well adjusted as controls in terms of self-esteem and having achieved a positive sexual identity" (Rind, 2001: 345)
That is, 20.2% of the gay / bisexual males interviewed reported such experiences, meaning that one could expect about one in five gay / bisexual males to have had such experiences. For these experiences, the "subjects' mean reaction was positive (M = 3.94, SD = 1.25), although individual reactions ranged from very negative to very positive. Overall, reactions were as follows: 38.5% very positive, 38.5% positive, 7.7% neutral/mixed, 3.8% negative, and 11.5% very negative. Combining categories and rounding, 77% were positive, 8% were neutral, and 15% were negative. Overall, subjects were mutually consenting (M = 4.15, SD = .51); consent ranged from acquiescing to encouraging. Thus, forced or coerced contact was not a factor in this sample. To the contrary, nearly a quarter (23.1%) encouraged the contacts and about two-thirds (69.2%) mutually consented; 7.7% acquiesced. Thus, 92% evidenced positive desire for the sexual involvement." (Rind, 2001). There have, of course, been other reports of this "fact of life." For example:
"...a number of studies based on convenience samples consisting of gay or bisexual men obtained through advertisements placed in gay magazines, bars, bookstores, or conferences have frequently yielded a predominantly positive profile of gay and bisexual boys' sexual experiences with men (e.g., Fellows, 1996; Hart, 1995; Jay and Young, 1977; Spada, 1979). They also have generally pointed out the commonness of early sexual attractions to and desires for older adolescent and adult males. For example, Spada (1979), who examined 1,038 male homosexuals aged 16-77 across the United States through mail questionnaires, reported that 'In the case of the respondent' first youthful experience taking place with an adult, it is usually stressed by the respondent that it was he who made the first advance, he who desired the initial encounter, and that no coercion or seduction by the adult took place. Several dozen did describe their first experience as a seduction, but just three reported the use of force (p. 30)' (Rind, 2001: 348).
So what is to be done about these boys - these gay and bisexual boys - who are (have been) sexually relating with men in ways that so many define as "molestation" or "child sexual abuse"?  One fact is certain, these boys will not be telling others anything about the reality of their sexual/love lives, unless they can be trusted, but this is expected given that the same applies for most adult homosexual males in the western world. The point to make, however, is that these boys may often end up in "at risk" situations - sometimes related to major problems such as being raped, being given drugs, attempting suicide, etc., but they will continue to have no one to turn to for help - not even in gay / lesbian communities - mostly because almost all service providers would rather deny that these boys exist - as boys seeking love / sex relationships with men. However, a remarkable and predictable outcome is this situation is akin to the one so often stated under the "Silence Kills!" AIDS-related banner, except that in this case the banner would read: "Denial of Reality Kills!" That is, when the existence of "at risk" individuals is denied, we can expect a maximum casualty status in this sector of the population. In other words, the men who wish to ABUSE these boys and do so - "ABUSE" as defined by these boys and not US - have many "best friends." Their "best friends" are ALL the 'mental health' professionals and social science researchers - and ALL the gay / lesbian community leaders - and others, including the media - who have worked to deny the existence of these boys. These boys would also likely to be the ones identifying as "gay" or "bisexual" at the earliest age.

Given the facts of the case, if there was an award to be given to individuals who have 'worked' to maximize casualties - let's say in the "suicide attempt" and even "contracting HIV" risk in the adolescent "gay" and "bisexual" self-identifying sector of the population - and both these outcomes are strongly associated with early death outcomes - this

"Killer of Gay Youth" Award

would likely be given to all the (commonly gay and bisexual) researchers of AIDS related issues who have made possible the following report published in AIDS:

"In their review of age and HIV risk behavior among gay men Mansergh and Marks [1998] concluded that younger age was fairly consistently found to be associated with unprotected anal sex in North America, while only limited evidence was found for the association in European and Australian samples. Reasons for this are unclear. In order to assess more accurately the HIV risk for young gay men, it would be helpful to examine the degree of sexual 'mixing' across age groups and HIV status more closely. Although some studies have included assessments of perceived or known HIV status of young men's sexual partners, none of the studies reported the age ranges of the young men's sexual partners" (Stall et al., 2000: 5103, emphasis mine)
It is absolutely not an accident that such information was not solicited, mostly because it would be most difficult to assumed that gay and bisexual researchers of HIV transmission were ignorant of the fact that many teenage gay and bisexual identified males were / are relating sexually with much older males, and especially the older males in the age group most likely to be HIV-positive. Given that, as a rule, only a "safer sex" - as opposed to "safe sex" - situation would have existed in these sexual relationships, the likelihood of HIV transmission would therefore have been the greatest in such relationship.

Studies should now be carried out on the researcher themselves to see if they were "actually ignorant" of a widely known fact of life related to a significant number of teenage gay and bisexual males - meaning that they could plead ignorance, thus requiring related follow-up questions. Or, they may acknowledge that they purposefully did not investigate this most obvious "high risk" factor, maybe for "political reasons." It is also possible that they knew what the results would be if such research had been done, and the fact that researchers had this knowledge but suppressed it would be damning. The follow-up inquiry would then explore the reasons why these researchers therefore believed that the lives of adolescent gay and bisexual males were expendable given the the predictable "Silence Kills!" outcome.

An answer to this question - in terms of an extremely common attitude of older males in North American gay communities when it comes to relating sexually with adolescent males - is embodied in the following re-quoted section of the Tremblay and Ramsay (2000) paper:

Quotation begins:

Gay and bisexual male adolescents and young adults engaging in prostitution are reported to be at higher risk for suicide attempts (Nicholas and Howard, 1998), but they have not been the only ones attracted to older males and acting accordingly. Others have also been seeking sex (with the hope of love) relationships with older males as illustrated in the special "Love" issue of San Francisco's gay youth XY Magazine:

But when I came out, the closeness I was looking for wasn't what I found. Instead, I fell into the gay community's 'if you're gay, young and cute, you have to be one of those guys who sleeps around' stigma... And I learned from all the wonderful people I met that sex was just sex and that the whole closeness thing was merely a pipe dream - certainly unattainable [if not via sex]... My problem arises when people just coming out see our community as only sexual. That affects me. They learn, like young people in every culture, from their peers and elders. What they see, hear and experience is what they are going to assume the gay community is. With this type of base, they are going to have a very difficult time making their love lives flourish... There are some people who want more than sex and don't feel "sex is just sex" (Weldon, 1997, p. 53).
Marc describes his encounters from the age of 17 when he illegally ventured into gay clubs on a quest to find the males he was most attracted to: the ones about 10 years older than himself.
[By the age of 19, he had] had two "official" relationships... lasting no more than a couple of months, [and he has not been impressed with what he learned.] Maybe this pattern simply indicates bad choices on my part. I guess I can see why older men think 19-year-olds have nothing more than sex to offer. But it surprises me that the older crowd want shallow, detached physical contacts while their younger counterparts are searching so very,  very hard for something more substantial (Foster, 1997, p. 21).
Quotation from the Tremblay and Ramsay (2000) paper ends.

It must therefore be said that almost all (all?) North American researchers involved in homosexually oriented HIV issues will have an extremely difficult time to plead ignorance of the "at risk" status of homosexually oriented adolescent males given that the major gay publication in North America - The Advocate - reported what follows in 1992 article titled "America’s Worst-Kept Secret: AIDS is Devastating the Nation’s Teenagers, and Gay Kids Are Dying by the Thousands":

Gay boys and straight girls who are having sex for money, shelter, love - they are at risk. And our community, the gay and lesbian community - and I particularly fault gay men here - has done nothing to try to help our youth. Gay men view these boys as recreational toys to be used. I have heard many stories of HIV-positive men having unprotected sex with boys. They don’t think it matters. If there is a single reason why so little is being done in this country about adolescent AIDS, it is that as a nation we are terribly afraid of the sexuality of our teens. These kids, no matter how they identify, gay or straight, need more than condoms and instructions on how to use them. They need someone to talk to, a support network, a place where they can feel safe and secure and where their confidentiality and personal histories are going to be protected and respected. (Brownworth, 1992:: 41)
The above is a quotation from Gabe Kruks, a researcher of gay youth problems. At the time, he was the director of public policy and planning for the Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Community Services Center, and he had described the multi-faceted nature of the "at risk" adolescents AIDS problem, simply by telling the truth that many (most?) gay men had known. In a 1991 Advocate cover story on gay and lesbian teen suicide we read:
"These kids have been ignored not only by the straight community but also by the gay community... The adult gay and lesbian community has an obligation to also step in and say, 'Yes, we'll do our share too.'
The time is right for us to start networking across the nation. These kids are dying, they're being killed on the streets, they're drinking themselves to death, they're drugging themselves to death, they've been thrown out of their homes. The time has come for us as a gay and lesbian community to stand up for those young folks. It’s obvious no one else is going to do it" (Maguen, 1991: 47).
Without doubts many of the gay and bisexual men who has been having sex with adolescent boys were already well acquainted with the above situation. It was likely a story - with variations - that they had often heard from the adolescents in their beds. In fact, it would not have taken them long to recognize that the above situation was an integral - even essential - part of the "fresh meat" delivery system that made possible their sexual access to many boys. Tragically, far too many of these boys did not find the love often sought. Instead, they were 'just' used, maybe abused, and dumped when they were no more of "sexual" value, or when they had become "too old," as an older gay male told me about the end of a relationship with a man that had been most  positive and important to him. The relationship with a university professor had begun at age 12, but he was dumped at the age of 14 years because he had apparently become "too old." His life path to age 17 was not positive and included forced sexuality with older males, prostitution, and drug use that eventually culminated in a serious psychological problem and psychiatric hospitalization; his brain has decided to terminate communication with the external world. After recovery from this, he completed his high school, went to university, and obtained his doctorate.

For ethical reasons, I have wanted the above issue to be addressed and placed relevant information on the first web page constructed to address the fact that the Surgeon General had not included homosexuality issues in The Surgeon General's Call To Action To Prevent Suicide. A major American GLB organization had decided that it would maybe be important to begin the "at risk" status of GLB adolescents / youth for having suicide problems. In the related communication with the Director of youth issues, I decided to check what would happen if I mentioned the existence of "GB boys who have sex with men" as a "significantly at risk" group for suicide problems. As expected, although I was hoping for a change of predictable attitude, this part was deleted in the response by the director who was essentially 'stating': 'Silence is to rule on this issue. The recognition of this fact must not even to be hinted at in this organization, and especially not in print. We are attempting to make ourselves look respectable.'

Yet, the opposite would apply if the truth was known. Related information given in the above cited web page follows:

To the GLB organization in question, I also highlighted the fact that the most "at risk" GB adolescent males would be the ones who are having sex with significantly older males, often in the form of prostitution. As a rule, however, GLB organizations tend to ignore the most "at risk" adolescents and only care to use their "at risk" statistics to make gains for GLB people who are at lesser risk, or are not at risk with respect to having suicide problems. I saw this happen in Calgary's GB community when I began advocacy work, especially after I began writing about certain gay-identified men who liked their boys, and liked them young. I have yet to read any study about how gay adolescent males become 'integrated' in gay communities, but the phenomenon is apparently not supposed to be mentioned...
About a third of GB male youth will contract HIV! About the same percentage of GB male youth will attempt suicide, but where are the web sites focused on this problem??? I know, however, of some  gay males who are not at all pleased with my work. Why? Because if one ever begins to effectively address the underlying problems, it will mean an end to the wholesale delivery of vulnerable GB teenagers to their bedrooms (the youngest community "meat" available); this is related to dropping out of school, being throwaways and runaways, etc." (Feb. 4, 2000)...
Gay communities have failed miserably here, all because of the 'face' they are attempting to present to society. Yet, these are the GB kids who are contracting HIV at the youngest age and, from where I live ethically, consider this to be one of OUR greatest crimes - which  totally undermines / subverts our integrity even if it is only OURSELVES who know this. Also, they also happen to be the GB males who are most at risk for suicide attempts. But then gay community 'leaders' are not to officially recognize what any gay male who has been around the block a few times knows all too well.
Note: The Rind (2001) study is of gay / bisexual males who are mostly "middle-class, college educated, and White" (p. 362) and the conclusion was that GB males who had positive experiences with men at a young age were not adversely affected by these experiences. Furthermore, their desires for males had been most often recognized before these experiences occurred, thus precluding the possibility that these boys were being recruited into homosexuality via what was many have believed to be "their 'wanted' and 'desired' sexual abuse" experiences. However, getting into university usually means that one's grades in high school were significantly high, meaning that such a sample would likely not include many of the GB male adolescents in the  Remafedi et al. (1991) study as reported by Bagley and Tremblay (1997):
"In the Remafedi et al. (1991) sample of 137 males, 40 percent had been runaways, 39 percent had been sexually abused, 35 percent had been arrested, 23 percent were classified gender nonconformable (feminine), and 17 percent had engaged in prostitution. The associated [lifetime] attempted suicide rates for males having these (often overlapping) attributes are 36, 46, 44, 47, and 52 percent; the average for the sample is 30 percent."
The "sexual abuse" in the study was also reported to have happened mostly after gay/bisexual self-identification, meaning that many of these boys would have ventured into high risk situations, possibly as a result of seeking the ones they desired. Many of these situation would also make it likely that most of these boys would not meet university entrance requirements to then become part of a study sample such as the one studied by Rind (2001). One male in Calgary reported on his  first-time sexual experience with a male after he decided to treat himself to such an experience on his fourteenth birthday.

He was in a school and neighborhood situation where he would have never wanted his peers to know about his same-sex desires and this meant going 'somewhere' where males make themselves available for sexual encounters with other males. This took him to one of Calgary's well known cruising areas - the Devonian Gardens - where he met a man who suggested that they go somewhere else. The outcome in this situation was equivalent to rape, but what is such a boy to do if this happens to him? The related thoughts are: "If I tell, they will then all learn about where I was and what I was seeking, and that will also include my parents! Then everyone will know about me! That I was out to not even have sex with male my own age, but with adult men!" Such a boy will therefore remain silent with no one to talk with about what happened and the consequences of this socially constructed situation may be very negative.

Tragically, this "license to rape" (or 'just' sexually abuse) the "at risk" boys highlighted in this web page - continues to be what our society - and GLB communities and their organizations - have granted to all men who may wish to rape / abuse / use these boys, if they so wish. I remember telling the individual noted above that what happened to him was not all his fault. In great part, he had been the victim of a socially constructed situation that continues to be maintained with one predictable result: these boys will continue to at high risk for such negative experiences. True, the abuse may not happen, as it did for him, the first time they have sex with man via the anonymous public sex venues that have been an integral part of gay communities. For some gay and bisexual males I have met, all their adolescent sexual experiences with men will be deemed to be positive, or neutral, but many have reported both highly positive and highly negative experiences, often enough including rape, and sexual experiences between the two extremes.

The research that has separated gay / bisexual boys reporting only "wanted" sexual experiences with men from those reporting unwanted "experiences" (meaning that were sexually abused) has been missing one important category: the boys who report both types of sexual experiences. That is, an unbiased study of boys who sought out men for sexual encounters (or considered themselves lucky because a man made themselves available to them, thus making a quest unnecessary) should include all gay / bisexual males who report having had at least one or more positive sexual experience with a man when they were boys. That is, separating out the boys who only report "wanted" experiences from the ones who report "sexual abuse / rape" experiences may produce unrealistic results for all adolescents gay / bisexual boys who relate sexually with men because these experiences were wanted and desired.

The Rind (2001) study, however, does illustrate that the "sexual abuse" model that has been used to describe all relationships between men and boys is incorrect, at leat in part, but there is another highly negative result of this widely held belief by most professionals. The boys involved with men will soon learn about their beliefs and when abusive events occur, as they also occur in adult-adult relationships, they will not feel that they can talk to anyone about this, and especially not with so-called 'mental health' professionals, school counselors, etc.. These boys will intuitively conclude that, because all their sexual experiences with one or more older male will be labelled "sexual abuse," these professionals will therefore totally fail to understand what their problem "actually" happens to be. Basically, these boys will have been 'set up' - by society and its professionals - to solve their problems on their own when it is known that many adults in similar situations often do need help when abuse occurs in their intimate relationships. How do these boys fare out? Maybe someday, their realities will be recognized and related research will be carried out.

Meanwhile. if you are a researcher, the reality addressed in this webpage is not one that is very difficult to investigate, but there are ways of doing this as reported in the following article:

Gay Kids in the Real World (by Steve Silberman, Wired News, November 4, 1997): - The rooms are a theater of archetypes, of men with names like "HedCoach" and "LuvDad" exchanging horny messages with "SwmrDude" and "MusclKid." Many of the names that advertise youth, of course, are inhabited by older men. But there are boys there too - boys like Sam, and not like Sam: boys who play the games of boyhood successfully, winning at sports, excelling at school, admired by young women, well liked by their peers. And there are hundreds of men and boys in those rooms, every night of the week. Almost every one of the boys I interviewed for my article informed me that they were regularly propositioned by older men on AOL. At first, when I asked them what they thought of that, they'd wrinkle up their noses and say things like, "Gross."  Then, often, later in the conversation, if the trust level got high enough, a teenager might admit to me that he himself had met an older boy or man online, and saw him in real life. Sometimes the two became friends. Sometimes they had sex. Sometimes meeting offline had turned out to be an uncomfortable experience, but sometimes the young man perceived it in a positive light - an introduction to a larger circle of friends, or an entree to the wider gay world. For some of these highly intelligent, articulate young men, an offline rendezvous with an older male was a risk that had turned out to be worth it... The truth is, gay teenagers and older gay men have always found ways to meet, despite every law against it. Those interactions, fraught with risk on every side, comprise a kind of initiatory process for young gay men." ...

Rarely are intergenerational issues of the "sexual" kind ever addressed in gay communities. The following article report on this phenomenon although "teenagers" are not specifically mentioned.

Gay City crosses The Great Age Divide in public forum N/A (Seattle Gay News, November 20, 1998) (Archive Link): "The forum revealed how often Gay men make mistaken assumptions about each other, based on our own life experiences, misinterpreting the  intentions and behaviors of other Gay men older or younger than ourselves. The discussions revealed how we often mistakenly project our own personal assumptions and stereotypes onto one another, and fail to understand the experiences of Gay men  from another generation... Gay City forum "The Great Age Divide" didn't solve the problem of intergenerational misunderstanding and conflict, or answer the questions of where we go from here... Generalizing from the trend of the comments from the audience, younger Gay men tended to view older Gay men as bitter, angry, frightened of their sexuality, and sexually exploitative of younger Gay men... On the other hand, older Gay men tended to view the younger generation of Gay men as reckless,  misinformed, superficial, sometimes cruel, and sexually exploitative... Many people expressed the desire of a Gay community where we relate to one another not as sex objects, but find some deeper ground for encountering and enjoying each other, while some folk felt that sexual objectification of Gay men was entirely appropriate and to be expected."

Intergeneration Issues For Gay Asian Males: The Truth About GAM N/A (2001, Archive Link. Alternate Link): "The pursuit of a white boyfriend is so intense that many gay Asian men would sooner date a much older white male partner than another Asian.  Asian and Friends and the Long Yang Club are both social organizations with numerous chapters around the world that are designed for Asian men to meet Caucasian partners.  I had attended some of their events in cities from Sydney to New York, and all I saw were 50-something white guys with their 20-something Asian boyfriends." - Gay Asian Pride N/A (2001, Archive Link. Alternate Link): "Based on my personal experience and talking to friends, I have found that most "Asian admirers" (or "Rice Queens" as they are known in the community) are always older than their Asian "boyfriends." ...While perusing the gay bookstore, I noticed a porn magazine with only Asian male models. However, unlike Caucasian porn magazines, these Asian men obviously appeared to be in their teens with very effeminate bodies." - The fetishisation of Asian and White N/A (New Link). - Any boy bars in Singapore? (N/A. Archive Link, New Link) See: More information from Canada on this subject.

Childhood Sexual Abuse & HIV among Latino Gay Men (2008)... How is Childhood Sexual Abuse Different from Childhood Sexuality? "Sex in childhood or adolescence with an older individual is assumed to be abusive, because of the implied difference in power and experience. In terms of health outcomes, research shows that men who report voluntary early sexual experiences are similar to those who reported no sex during childhood. These men do not appear to be at greater risk for HIV. - A large quantitative study found no differences in high-HIV-risk sexual behaviors between Latino gay and bisexual men who reported voluntary sex before age 16 with someone 5 or more years older, and those who reported no sex before age 16. In contrast, those who had been forced to have sex were significantly more likely to engage in high-HIV-risk sexual behavior. - Age also makes a difference. Another study found that individuals who were younger when they had childhood sexual experiences with older partners were more likely to consider their experiences abusive and were more likely to have been physically forced, physically hurt, threatened, and emotionally hurt..." Forced Sex with one or more older male before the age of 16 years is reported to be 16%, with voluntary sexual experiences with an older male (by at least 5 years) being 34%.

Carl talks about deciding not to be sexual with men N/A (Archive Link): "I was 13 years old. I was lying on my back on my bed and my best friend at prep school and I were talking. Suddenly, he rolled over on top of me and kissed me. The effect was so powerful, it took my breath away. Although I had dated girls for two summers and had gotten up the courage to kiss them too, this was different. In those first few seconds of intimacy with a boy, I experienced a bliss I had never known. For the next nine months, my friend and I had sex two or three times a day. I learned all the variations on giving pleasure to a male body. I tried sex in the shower, in the hot sun lying on top of a pile of hay and deep in the forest, under a pine tree. I had sex with other boys as well. And if I was hitchhiking and the driver wanted m e to jerk him off, I did that too. Sex with men was wonderful. I couldn't get enough of it. On holidays, I also continued to date girls. It never occurred to me in those early years that I was "homosexual". I figured that I was simply "sexual" and all kinds of sex felt good." Unfortunately, the teachers at my school had a different opinion. They caught me in the act over and over again, and eventually I was discharged for "committing sodomy". I was told that having sex with boys was perverted, but being intimate with girls was normal. Reluctantly, I tried to stop my encounters with men..."

Young Gay & Bisexual Men and HIV: A qualitative study of safer sex knowledge and behaviour among young gay and bisexual men - 1998 - by John Maxwell, Gay Men's Health Promotion Coordinator. AIDS Committee of Toronto:

Many of the study participants noted that as younger gay/bisexual men, they often felt that they were "preyed upon" by older or more sexually experienced gay men - even other more sexually experienced gay and bisexual youth. One participant lamented the lack of "mentoring" in the gay community: "When I came out into the community (a few years ago) I felt that I needed to become totally immersed in the gay community. So, I left a lot of my straight friends behind. Unfortunately, rather than meeting other gay men who could help me manoeuvre my way in the community, I often met people who just wanted to take advantage of me, sexually."
Jamaica - Teenage boys and the sex trade - A tragedy in waiting? (2002) "Within Kingston and St. Andrew's fancy houses and hotels, and outside along those daytime busy streets, twilight hides a sombre reality: scores of boys below the age of 19 years, frolicking with men two or three times their age in exchange for money...  He, however, explained that this activity mainly takes place in the Kingston and Montego Bay area, but should not be seen as sex workers in the strict sense. According to him, sex workers are persons whose main occupation is transactional sex. But regardless of whether they are sex workers or not, health workers believe the activities of the boys can cause serious long-term health problems, apart from STIs... "Many are afraid to stop it - some say they are born this way and some are being programmed. We try to counsel them, but it all boils down to money," Nurse Holly Alvaranga of the Glen Vincent Clinic said."

Garry Otton. Dancing With Paedophiles (2003): "Whenever older men turned up in gay discos popular with young gays, they stood out like sore thumbs, particularly with a bunch of 'chickens' or a young pop group in tow. They certainly weren't there to dance to Dooley Silverspoon! Innocent youth? The boys chewed 'em up and spat 'em out. To reinvent youth as always the innocent and vulnerable victims of 'perverts' avoids the truth and lowers the complicated issue of sexuality further into the grave we are slowly digging it...."

Pederasty isn’t Greek to post-Taliban Afghans (Alternate Link, Must Scroll): "The New York Times account on Feb. 21 was less lurid, but had some of the same problems. It referred to "boys" and "pedophilia" but the "boys" were teenagers, some in their late teens. It told the same story about men fighting over a youth, but admitted that young men normally had to be courted with gifts. For instance, one man interviewed, Muhammad, 29, said he met his lover Ahmed, 19, when he was 22 and Ahmed was 12. He courted him for many month, taking him gifts like chocolate and "lots of money" until they became good friends and Ahmed, by then probably 13, agreed to be his lover. Ahmed said he has no regrets about the relationship and since the men are now 29 and 19, the relationship hardly seems pederastic at this point, much less "pedophilic."

Reid, Tim (2002). Kandahar comes out of the closet  (Alternate Link): The Times (London). January 12 (Alternate Links: 1, 2, 3, 4): “'In the days of the Mujahidin, there were men with their ashna everywhere, at every corner, in shops, on the streets, in hotels: it was completely open, a part of life,' said Torjan, 38, one of the soldiers loyal to Kandahar’s new governor, Gul Agha Sherzai… 'They are just emerging again,' Torjan said. 'The fighters too now have the boys in their barracks. This was brought to the attention of Gul Agha, who ordered the boys to be expelled, but it continues. The boys live with the fighters very openly. In a short time, and certainly within a year, it will be like pre-Taleban: they will be everywhere'. This Pashtun tradition is even reflected in Pashtun poetry, odes written to the beauty and complexion of an ‘ashna’, but it is usually a terrible fate for the boys concerned. It is practised at all levels of Pashtun society, but for the poorer men, having an ‘ashna’ can raise his status..." - Afghanistan, Through My Lens: A gay photojournalist reveals an ancient homosexual culture.

Afghanistan Holds Veil Over Homosexual Ways (The Salt Lake Tribune:  Sunday, April 7, 2002. By Maura Reynolds, Los Angeles Times: "Kandahar's Lightly Veiled Homosexual Habits"): (Alternate Link) (Alternate Link): "Daud is unmarried and has sex only with men and boys. But he does not consider himself homosexual, at least not in the Western sense. "I like boys, but I like girls better," he says. "It's just that we can't see the women to see if they are beautiful. But we can see the boys, and so we can tell which of them is beautiful... "These are hard questions you are asking," he says. "We don't usually talk about such things... The love by men for younger, beautiful males, who are called halekon, is even enshrined in Pashtun literature. A popular poem by Syed Abdul Khaliq Agha, who died last year, notes Kandahar's special reputation... Just ask Mullah Mohammed Ibrahim, a local cleric. "Ninety percent of men have the desire to commit this sin," the mullah says... Following the mullah's math, this suggests that somewhere between 18 percent and 45 percent of men here engage in homosexual sex - significantly higher than the 3 percent to 7 percent of American men who, according to studies, identify themselves as homosexual." - See "Pederasty in the Middle East and Central Asia" for some criticism related to media articles related to homosexuality and the Pashtun (Page Removed From Wikipedia, Alternative Link).

Western lenses on male same-sex relationality in Pashtun Afghanistan (PDF Download): "Relations between adolescent males and adult men in Pashtun culture is a mode of relationality that falls outside both the Eurocentrism and heteronormativity of the traditional kinship studies model... Thus, it is not surprising that these anthropological studies of Pashtun culture do not include any references to male same-sex sexual relationships, or of any male same-sex relationality outside of the traditional family model. The Pakistani anthropologist Sarah Safdar has written one of the few English-language works on the topic of kinship in Pashtun society, which was published in 1997. Her extensive discussion of kinship and marriage in Pashtun culture contains no references to homosexuality or any male same-sex relationality other than blood kinship... David Halperin’s genealogical approach to the history of male same-sex sexual desire can be applied to cross-cultural analysis of relational modes such as male same-sex sexual relationality in Pashtun Afghanistan to give a more nuanced view than that of either Euro-American news media or anthropological accounts... He shows how this modern concept of homosexuality unconsciously restricts contemporary Euro-American inquiries into same-sex sexuality and denies the many forms of relationality and sexual desire that have existed in other historical moments... This inquiry shows that existing Western lenses on male same-sex relationality in Pashtun Afghanistan to be inadequate and problematic, and that drawing from queer genealogical strategies in conjunction with reconfigurations of kinship studies can provide a framework to analyze these relationships... Likewise, new kinship studies could provide anthropological accounts of male same-sex sexuality in Pashtun culture that could also help to destabilize the hegemony of Euro-American sexual categories, but that would also require new studies of kinship in Afghanistan. Without any new research or field work on the topic of male same-sex sexuality in Pashtun Afghanistan, it seems extremely difficult to understand or think about this mode of relationality and compare it with Euro-American modern homosexuality and Western prehomosexual categories." - Afghanistan: Nightmare Future: "If the United Nations, puppet of the neoliberal governments, succeeds in reshaping Afghanistan, its indigenous form of homosexuality will be wiped out, destroyed with the same brutality which marked the destruction of the great mosques by troops of the British empire 120 years ago."

Afghan Men Struggle With Sexual Identity, Study Finds (2010): The study, obtained by Fox News, found that Pashtun men commonly have sex with other men, admire other men physically, have sexual relationships with boys and shun women both socially and sexually -- yet they completely reject the label of "homosexual." The research was conducted as part of a longstanding effort to better understand Afghan culture and improve Western interaction with the local people... The report also detailed a disturbing practice in which older "men of status" keep young boys on hand for sexual relationships. One of the country's favorite sayings, the report said, is "women are for children, boys are for pleasure." The report concluded that the widespread homosexual behavior stems from several factors, including the "severe segregation" of women in the society and the "prohibitive" cost of marriage. Though U.S. troops are commonly taught in training for Afghanistan that the "effeminate characteristics" of Pashtun men are "normal" and not an indicator of homosexuality, the report said U.S. forces should not "dismiss" the unique version of homosexuality that is actually practiced in the region "out of desire to avoid western discomfort." Otherwise, the report said, Westerners could "risk failing to comprehend an essential social force underlying Pashtun culture."
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The Dancing Boys of Afghanistan (2010, PBS Documentary, May not be available for viewing. Alternate Link. Alternate Link: Part of the Documentary).

Excerpts (Transcription may contain minor errors):

... talking to a Taliban commander (Information on the Taliban)

Taliban: I did have a boy but I didn't keep him for too long. I had a boy when I wasn't married. This was when I was a commander.It's a tradition, and there's competition amongst the commanders.
Interviewer: Did you have sex with them?
Taliban: If they were willing to have sex, I would. If not, I wouldn't.
(scene with the tent)
Taliban: I would keep a boy if my wife agreed. If she didn't mind, I'd keep one boy.
Interviewer: Is it usual for a wife to give permission?
Taliban: In Afghanistan, husbands don't listen to their wives... but I'm a cultured man, I'd discuss it with my wife first.

........
Interviewer: How old was he?
Taxi Driver: Around 13 or 14. The most beautiful boys come from Badakhshan. The really beautiful boys are with the commanders
........
Interviewer: Which provinces do you go to?
Scout: I go to every province to have... happiness and pleasure with boys.
I want to have a boys party. I really like to watch. Some boys are no good for dancing. They can be used for other purposes, but it's better to use them for parties.
Interviewer: What do you mean by 'other purposes'?
Scout: I mean other Bacha Bazi activities.
Interviewer: What activities?
Scout: For sodomy and other sexual activities.

Web Page Author Comments: In the West, the experts decree that men who sexually desire boys - and especially those who act according to their desires - are mentally disordered. In other words, they have made the decree that essentially all the Taliban Commanders in Afghanistan are mentally disordered. It must also be noted that dancing boys are an integral part of Pashtun culture as illustrated in the documentary by their presence at highly public wedding celebration even attended by much respected officials. Therefore, we may wonder if western 'expert' on mental disorders could then be, in some ways, nothing more that participating in the highly abusive - maybe ongoing - colonialism of the past? For insight on so-called "Mental Disorders" and the related western professionals see: "Inside the Battle to Define Mental Illness" (2010). The great difference between Pastun culture and western cultures can be illustrated by imagining a somewhat similar statement made by married North American men: "In Afghanistan, husbands don't listen to their wives... but I'm a cultured man, I'd discuss it [having a boy lover, including having sex with him] with my wife first."

Related Information from "Muslim Pederasty" (Many reference links to souces are given in the original script):

Central Asia: ...
Though no longer widely practiced, such boy marriages nevertheless still occur. However, in part as a result of resurgent Islamic fundamentalism, they are less well received than in former times. In late 2005, the Afghan refugee Liaquat Ali, 42, and his Pakistani beloved, Markeen Afridi, 16, were both threatened with death by the tribal elders, subsequent to their public and ceremonial wedding in the Tribal Territories.(The Sydney Morning Herald)

In the aftermath of the US-Afghan war, western mainstream media have reported derisively on patterns of adult/adolescent male relationships, documented in Kandahar in Afghanistan (The New Yorker) and in Pakistan (The Boston Globe), often conflating them with pedophilia. The youth in these relationships, usually in his early- to mid-teens, is known alternatively as haliq, "beautiful boy," or ashna, "dear friend," and the man as mehboob, "lover," from the Persian mohabbat, "love," related to its Arabic counterpart, mahabbâh. The term balkay, referring to a beardless boy sexually available to men has also been reported.[1] The prevalence of homosexual relationships in Kandahar and other Pashtun areas has been explained in these articles as a behavior resulting from strict gender segregation (Los Angeles Times) and "without any moral or educational value."

These reports however have been characterized as "privileging a political spin over more precise and informative writing," and as suffering from ethnocentric bias (Stephanie Skier, in queer.). Brian James Baer, writing in the Gay and Lesbian Review (March-April, 2003), claimed that "their subtext was clearly aimed at discrediting the Pashtun tradition by equating it with the ultimate American taboo, adult sex with minors," and that "Western journalists insisted on reducing relationships that are often long-term emotional bonds to a crude sexual bargain." In contrast, alternative media have carried accounts by native sources describing married men engaging youths in mutually affectionate long term relationships .

Besides relationships following the pederastic model, cases of sexual brutality by men against youths - in this instance as one aspect of the military use of children - have also been documented. In Afghanistan, out of the thousands of Pakistani boys recruited by mullahs under the guise of jihad to fight for the Taliban, it is thought that about 1500 survived, only to be held for ransom in private jails, where they were being systematically abused J. Gettleman in the L. A. Times, July 2001. Also, commercial sexual exploitation of boys in Pakistan is reported to be widespread despite the fact that prostitution of minors is illegal and there is a death penalty for child abusers, according to the Bangkok-based international child protection campaign group, ECPAT (End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes).

In the northern, Turkic-speaking areas, one manifestation of the pederastic tradition were the entertainers known as bacchá (a Turkic Uzbeki term etymologically related to the Persian bachcheh, "boy" or "child", sometimes with the connotation of "catamite"). A bacchá, typically an adolescent, was a performer practiced in erotic songs and suggestive dancing. He wore resplendent attire and makeup, and would also be available as a sex worker. These Muslim bachás were trained from childhood and carried on their trade until their beard began to grow. Though after the Russian conquest the tradition was suppressed by tsarist authorities, early Russian explorers were able to document the practice.


Carballo-Diéguez A, Balan I, Dolezal C, Mello MB (2011). Recalled Sexual Experiences in Childhood with Older Partners: A Study of Brazilian Men Who Have Sex with Men and Male-to-Female Transgender Persons. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Epub ahead of print.
Abstract: ... Of 575 participants (85% men and 15% transgender), 32% reported childhood sexual experiences with an older partner. Mean age at first experience was 9 years, partners being, on average, 19 years old, and mostly men. Most frequent behaviors were partners exposing their genitals, mutual fondling, child masturbating partner, child performing oral sex on partner, and child being anally penetrated. Only 29% of the participants who had had such childhood sexual experiences considered it abuse; 57% reported liking, 29% being indifferent and only 14% not liking the sexual experience at the time it happened. Transgender participants were significantly more likely to report such experiences and, compared with men, had less negative feelings about the experience at the time of the interview. No significant associations were found between sexual experiences in childhood and unprotected receptive or insertive anal intercourse in adulthood. Results highlight the importance of assessing participants' perception of abuse, regardless of researchers' pre-determined criteria to identify abuse. MSM and transgender people may experience childhood sexual experiences with older partners differently from other populations (e.g., heterosexuals), particularly in countries with different cultural norms concerning sexuality than those prevalent in Europe and the U.S.

No Viagra jokes, please. Mixed Medium / Meet the gerontophiles, young men who chase sexy seniors (1999, Alternate Link): "Awash in adolescent hormones, JR began to cruise washrooms. During one of his lavatory excursions, he met a guy called Louie. Louie happened to be a Lou Grant look-a-like, right off the Mary Tyler Moore show. JR recalls, with fondness, that “he had a beautiful penis and gorgeous nipples.”Louie was 54 and JR was still only 16. But for JR, it wasn’t merely a kinky fling. 

Intergenerational and Egalitarian Models: “Most overviews of homosexual history claim that there is a clear line of development from (1) ancient pederastic relationships through (2) early/modern patron/protégé relationships to (3) modern egalitarian relationships. It is no accident that this resembles the alleged dialectic leading from (1) feudalism through (2) capitalism to (3) a classless society. All three paradigms have been simplified and exaggerated, and the alleged shift from one period to another cannot be supported without ignoring a host of exceptions…”

Victims (1997): "The more society puts pressure on men and boys to declare their heterosexuality: the less likely are they able to grow a healthy homosexual. There are more suicides. More marriages are broken. There are more arrests for indecency. And more names could be tragically added to the growing list of Britain’s gay serial killers: Dennis Neilson, Michel Lupo, Colin Ireland and Peter Moore. The police and judiciary are kept as busy as ever, filling the courts with victims of victims. And whilst John Major rides the crest of this wave of "pederasteria," championing a sporting nation and the setting up of voluntary cadet teams in state schools, he should consider that fewer men than ever are going to be prepared to take up the responsibility of looking after boys."

Some Issues related to young Asian males who seek older white males: "Inter-racial and Inter-generational Interactions and Relationships  - For many Asian MSM, power imbalances exist due to a marginalized status in mainstream society.  This particularly applies to many Asian MSM involved in inter-racial and inter-generational interactions and relationships, especially with older Caucasian men.  Some Caucasian men tend to assume power over their Asian partners.  The power imbalance between them is commonly manifested tangibly in terms of financial and/or sexual control.  According to participants, there is a local gay dating service that charges Asian MSM for using their services, while Caucasian men interested in Asian men can use the services for free.  Participants believed many Caucasian men perceive Asian men to be subservient and lesser persons.  Explaining the importance of this perception, a participant explained that "in sexual relationships, if others don't respect you, they can take advantage of you and force you to do something you don't really want to do".  Consequently, many Asian MSM are left in positions where they do not have the power to negotiate safer sex.  Participants said that many younger Asian MSM in such relationships with Caucasian men suffer from low self-esteem and are dis-empowered.  They feel, for example, a loss of control and self-confidence." The document identified as a 'Final Report" authored by Robb Travers. Dan Allman, William Lau, John Maxwell, Liviana Calzavara. Project Staff: Ilda Cordeiro (Coordinator), Chris Lau, with Community Partners: Asian Community AIDS Services (ACAS), Alliance for South Asian AIDS Prevention (ASAP), Centre for Spanish Speaking Peoples (CSSP), VIVER (Portuguese-speaking HIV/AIDS Coalition), Members of Toronto's African Communities... was still available in Google Cache as of August 29, 2004: Search in Google with "Ted Myers (Principal Investigator)" using quotation marks . The document, "An HIV Research Needs Assessment of MSM in Ethno-Cultural Communities: Perspectives of Volunteers and Service Providers" is now available as a PDF Document. PDF Document. Also available as Word Document

Some information about the "intergenerational" Younger Asian Male and Older White Males is given in the following document - Ryan, Bill (2003). A New Look at Homophobia and Heterosexism in Canada. Discussion paper commissioned by the Canadian AIDS Society. PDF Download:

"Sense of Attractiveness: ..Asian exoticism and eroticism or the so-called “rice queen” or “curry queen” results from discriminating against a person based on the colour of skin; exoticism sees only colour and culture instead of individuality. Exoticism perpetuates racial stereotypes and isolates a person, and since stereotyping is a tool for social control, exoticism also reflects and reinforces a hierarchy of power and internalized racism... Many first-generation gays and lesbians may also suffer from low self-esteem associated with the pressures of trying to fit into mainstream North American culture and gay and lesbian culture. As a result, some Asian gay men and lesbians may be at higher risk of contracting HIV/STIs because when an individual does not feel good about himself, he may feel alienated and disempowered in negotiating safer sex or refusing to participate in unsafe sex, resulting in highrisk sexual practices. The need to be accepted, to feel desired by a potential partner, and the preoccupation with more basic settlement needs such as employment, housing and learning a new language may take priority over one’s own health...

Internalized Racism: Internalized racism may manifest in the preference that some Asian gay men and lesbians have for Euro-Canadian men and women in their sexual and intimate relationships. This issue may be more prevalent in the new immigrant rather than first-generation gays and lesbians. An imbalance in power may exist in these relationships, most often to the disadvantage of Asian gays and lesbians. Internalized racism can be traced to a history of imperialism in Asia and a conscious / unconscious re-creation of the power imbalance between Asians and Euro-Canadians. The appreciation of lighter skin colour in most Asian cultures could be seen as proof of this. Whiter skin is desirable and regarded as powerful, whereas darker skin is devalued. Asians may collectively internalize these unequal power dynamics, and their underlying racism. The value of lighter skin colour is thought to be historically linked to colonization, and is continually reinforced in contemporary South Asian culture through the present day influx of western culture and media. Many recent immigrant gays and lesbians also attributed this preference to the excitement and novelty of being with Euro-Canadian men and women. Similar interest for Black or other Asian partners is not evident, thus reinforcing a cultural preference for lighter skin. This preference for Euro-Canadian men and women could have an impact on STI prevention efforts among Asian gays and lesbians who may take undue sexual risks if requested by their white partners. If they perceive white partners as better educated about HIV/STIs, they may perceive them as more trustworthy, making them less likely to question the risk of certain sexual behaviours....

Power Dynamics In Relationships - Power dynamics are understood as the imbalances created by factors such as sexual orientation, social class, economic position, race, age, language, immigration status, poverty, and health status. For many gays and lesbians of Asian origin, power imbalances exist due to a marginalized status in mainstream society. This may be especially true for many Asians involved in inter-racial and inter-generational interactions and relationships, especially with older Euro-Canadian men and women, who often assume power over their Asian partners. The power imbalance is commonly manifested tangibly in terms of financial and/or sexual control. Many whites perceive Asians to be subservient and lesser persons. Consequently, many Asian men who have sex with men are left in positions where they do not have the power to negotiate equal relationships, including safer sex. Many younger Asian men and women in such relationships with Euro-Canadians may suffer from low self-esteem and a sense of powerlessness. The perception of not being attractive due to the lack of positive Asian images in the media, coupled with the different standards of beauty promoted by mainstream, gay, lesbian and Asian communities result in members of the mainstream and gay communities viewing Asians as less desirable. This has a significant impact on Asian gay and lesbian youth. Many are faced with a limited choice of men and women with whom they can have intimate and sexual relationships. Many Asians have voiced concerns that some Euro-Canadian men who are exclusively interested in Asian men (commonly referred to as “Rice Queens”) take advantage of younger Asian men’s inexperience, perceived limited choices in sexual partners and exclusively target them. Gay identified Asians, who feel the pressure of exclusion and rejection, sometimes are more likely to engage in unsafe sexual behaviours because of their lack of negotiation power in the current power dynamics in the mainstream and gay community..."
 
Yolo (2011). Old White Men, Young Black Boys & the Sexual Legacy of Slavery.. in the Light of Penn State. Excerpt: At this point, I did not know that the Spring Street Arby’s and the subsequent area around the club 708 is a space where many sex workers, most of them African American boys & trans women, are solicited. I had no idea as I would learn later through my work in HIV & AIDS prevention & education, that most of those young African American boys and trans-women would report that the majority of their clients are middle aged white men. At first I thought little of it. I mean, why wouldn’t the majority of them be middle aged white men, who in this country would be more likely to have the disposable income? As I continued my studies in African American literature and history I found a few things that took me somewhere else. Where to you might ask? Why to Slavery my dear friend.

Yoakam, John R (2001). Gods or Monsters: A Critique of Representations in Film and Literature of Relationships Between Older Gay Men and Younger Men. Journal of Gay and Lesbian Social Services, 13(4), 65-80. Table of Contents. Abstract.

Excerpts: "In searching for research articles or historical models for intergenerational relationships between older gay men and younger men, I discovered that such relationships are almost entirely framed in terms of adult-child relationships (pedophilia) or adult-adolescent-relationships (ephebophilia)... I contend that framing all intergenerational relationships as abuse or as an imbalance of power colors perceptions about and limits interest in researching such relationships even when the partners are consenting adults of different ages... From this study I conclude that few cultural representations of relationships between older gay men and younger men exist. There has been little change over thirty years in how such relationships are portrayed in film... The few studies that have been published on relationships between adult gay men of differing ages have demonstrated that intergenerational relationships have been beneficial for the participants of these studies, and that the value of such relationships have more to do with intrinsic qualities shared between partners than their extrinsic age or differences in material wealth and experience. More research is needed both of historical examples of intergenerational relationships as well as from contemporary couples to understand the value and challenges for the persons involved in these relationships..."
 

Rind B (1998). Biased Use of Cross-Cultural and Historical Perspectives on Male Homosexuality in Human Sexuality Textbooks. Journal of Sex Research, 35(4): 397-407. Full Text.

Excerpts: "A quarter century ago, distinctions between man-man sex and man-boy sex were not as sharp as they are today... In keeping with the view that cross-cultural and historical perspectives are needed to achieve a scientifically valid understanding of human sexuality (cf. Bullough, 1976; Ford & Beach, 1951), Masters et al. (1985) provided perspective on homosexuality by discussing a series of cultures in other times and places that approved of certain types of male-male sex. This use of perspective was problematic, however, because they used predominately pedophilic (i.e., man-boy) examples... In a later chapter, guest author Paul Gebhard (Masters et al., 1985, pp. 620-637) provided additional perspective by reviewing male homosexuality in a variety of approving societies. He discussed the widely occurring ancient Greek form, which involves a sexual relationship between an older male and a younger adolescent male in which the older male also acts as a teacher and guardian. Gebhard noted that this type of male-male sexuality is found around the Mediterranean; in many societies in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia; and in some Melanesian islands. In addition to this, he discussed three other examples of the man-boy type (i.e., Sambia, East Bay, and Java). He also discussed two examples of the man-man type, the berdaches and xaniths, who were effeminate males playing the passive role in sexual relations with masculine males in Native American societies and in Oman, respectively. Primary sources reveal that these latter two examples also illustrate the man-boy type, because berdaches and xaniths usually began their sexual careers with adult men when they were young adolescents, if not younger (Wikan, 1982; Williams, 1992)...."

Sowell RL, Phillips KD (2010). Men Seeking Sex on an Intergenerational Gay Internet Website: An Exploratory Study. Public Health Reports, 125, Supplement 1 (HIV-Prevention Services for Minorities):  21-28. PDF Download. Download Page. - Note: Only males 18 years or older were studied. Younger males sexually involved with older males continue to be ignored, and not only in HIV prevention research.

Male intergenerational intimacy: historical, socio-psychological, and legal perspectives - 1991 - by Theo Sandfort, Edward Brongersma, A. X. van Naerssen. Google Books.

Why Aren't They Giving the HPV Vaccine to Boys Who Might Be Gay? Is it not adolescent boys who have sex with men who will be at risk at the youngest age for contracting HPV?


More to be added....

e.g.

1. The more "at risk" status of adolescents who are the most likely to be homosexually oriented.

2. The "at risk" status of adolescents who are referred to GLB youth groups. Has any research been done to determine if these goups are safe places for GLB adolescents. If not, why not?

3. Why are some of the most important "at risk" factors likely to be implicated in  contracting HIV by adolescent GB males ignored by the researchers in this field?
 

Notes


Note A: The are many - meaning researchers - who have collected data on suicidality as related to what is called "sexual abuse" by these researchers, and these studies would have included the type of the boys reported on by Kruks (1991). These researchers have also reported associations between reports of suicidality, or increased suicidality, and they have claimed that this suicidality was related to these boys having been "sexually abused." However, the report by Kruks (1991) suggest that the opposite applies in some cases. That is, if these boys do not experience what they so much desire - this being what many researchers have called  "sexual abuse" - "becoming suicidal" or "becoming more suicidal" results may be expected. Stated otherwise, for these boys, it is not being 'sexually abused' that results in suicidality, but it is not experiencing this 'sexual abuse' (not coded as sexual abuse by these boys) that is implicated in their suicide problems. I would say, however, that these boys may also experience "sexual abuse" (as defined by these boys possible as "uwanted sexual acts"). and that these "abusive" experiences may also be related to suicidality. It is most interesting that I have not yet encountered a study of "child sexual abuse" related to boys that caveated their results with the "fact of life" highlighted here that was reported by Kruks (1991). This was likely not done because it is related to "knowledge" to be denied. When researchers do this, however, they have become everything that is apparently not to be if researchers are actually living up to their mandate. For a presentation of some problems related to the research on the sexual abuse of boys see West (1998). Related issues are also available in "Letters" in JAMA (The Journal of the American Medical Association). Project Background: "The Studies of Men who have Sex with Men (MSM) in Ethno-Cultural Communities Project emerged in June of 1999 from a community consultation conducted by the HIV Social, Behavioural and Epidemiological Studies Unit (HIV Studies Unit) with the Toronto-based Gay Men?s Education Network (G-MEN).  The purpose of that meeting was to seek community input in Toronto on the feasibility and content of future research initiatives related to gay and bisexual men, specifically, a venue-based survey focusing on self-identified gay and bisexual men.  It was agreed at that consultation that a single study would be inadequate to address the HIV prevention research issues among MSM in Toronto?s diverse ethno-cultural communities. Given the complexity, scope and diversity of issues facing ethno-cultural MSM in Toronto, this developmental project was proposed to further identify interest, areas for research, in-depth research questions and appropriate research methods. This project comprised an effort on the part of the HIV Studies Unit to build successful project partnerships with community agencies and individuals.  This project also marks a milestone in Canadian HIV research: the identification of research issues and needs in several ethno-specific communities at once."
 

Note B: Gay community methods of 'acknowledging' and 'addressing' problems: Activists try to stem gay domestic abuse: "One reason the gay community balks at confronting abuse among its own members is that gays already face special problems such as HIV and discrimination, says Letellier. Publicizing abuse, he says, would be "airing dirty laundry."- Gay Partner Abuse Project (Toronto). - Screams in a Vaccum: "Perhaps the most significant difference is the community's invalidation. Unlike mainstream's recognition and response to battered women the gay community has responded to its battered gay men with denial and silence. Community leaders have stated there is "no problem" while correspondingly and not surprisingly support services remain virtually non-existent." - San Francisco grapples with gay domestic violence: "They feel embarrassed and ashamed in airing any more dirty laundry to any enemies that would undermine what we already have. - The gay community's dirty secret - domestic violence - is finally coming out of the closet: "What about resistance from the gay and lesbian community who don't want their dirty laundry aired in public?  Definitely. Straight battered women have tremendous shame and denial, and the same thing is felt on a community-wide basis for gay people. Added to that is the sense of not wanting to increase the negative attention and attacks and pressure the gay community already feels itself under from the outside.".

Given the above information, one can only imagine what 'leaders' of a GLB community would do to anyone in their midst who dared to mention what has been reported in this webpage. Fortunately, relevant information for Calgary is available and it is located at the web site of the Gay and Lesbian Community Services Association GLCSA): http://www.glcsa.org/ok/childmolesters.htm . On this web page, the following is stated:

"In Canada, sexual behavior with children is called child abuse. All citizens have an obligation to report any ongoing abuse to their local police department and child welfare agencies. The encouragement of any sexual relationships with children is wrong and extremely harmful to children, even according to the vast majority of gay and lesbian people. For example, here  in Calgary, the Gay & Lesbian Community Services Association has a policy that states that any person even slightly encouraging sexual behavior with children will be asked to  leave GLCSA' s offices and will be barred from using GLCSA's services. Thankfully, over the past 4 years approximately 10,000 people  have used GLCSA' s services and the policy has was needed to be used only once."
It would appear here that the GLCSA is morally upstanding, but only until it is realized that their "one case" refers to "me," and that the sanction (Fall, 1996) was applied only because I would talk and write about the GB adolescent male "realities" noted on this web page. In other words, the 'authorities' in Calgary's GB community have not only made it unacceptable to talk about this "reality," but they are also reporting that, as a result of their "censorship" and "punishment" attitude in this respect, this reality has apparently not been mentioned by "approximately 10,000 people [who] have used GLCSA's services." In other words, GLCSA has been actively promoting "silence" about the issue - the reality - presented on this webpage. This also makes GLCSA into the "best friends" of all adult gay/bisexual males who are relating sexually with teenage boys, and these men would therefore have good reasons to be great contributors to the coffers of GLCSA, especially if they are in the category of inflicting "unwanted sexual acts" on teenage GB males, including rape that has happened to some GB adolescent males I have known after they made formal contact with Calgary's GB community organizations. That these boys are having sex with much older males (most often because they seek such encounters), however, is a fact of life that GLCSA does not want to know about, and this fact most benefits only one group of GB males in Calgary's GB community who may also have a "Dr." before their names, or a "Ph.D." after their names. In 1995, I was scheduled to do an investigative report of men who have sex with boys in Calgary's gay community for CLUE! magazine (that was Calgary's GLB community magazine at the time, with Chris Hooymans as publisher). The investigation had begun and it had quickly produced two names of well known men (business men) in the community, but the magazine was then sold and the investigation was terminated. Later, from adolescent GB males, I learned much about an aspect of Calgary GB community that GLCSA would not want anyone to talk about because the fact that many GB males have enjoyed having sex with men (and also sought out men for sex/love reasons) when they were boys is a "reality" to be denied or else....

Information related to this event and its meaning has been available at this web site since 1998 at http://www.youth-suicide.com/gay-bisexual/adams2.htm in Note 10.
 

References

Balaam, Diesel (1999). Relax! It's Only Television (and I like it!). Gay and lesbian Humanist. Spring. Internet: http://www.galha.freeserve.co.uk/glh183r1.htm N/A (Archive Link) New Link.

Brownworth, Victoria A (1992). America’s Worst Kept Secret: AIDS Is Devastating the Nation’s Teenagers, and Gay Kids are Dying by the Thousands. The Advocate, March 24, 38-46.

Clacher, Iain (1997). Silence is where the hate grows: silence = death. Campaign Australia Magazine. Internet Availability: - http://www.youth.org/loco/PERSONProject/Alerts/International/suicide3.html N/A (Archive Link) (Alternate Link).

Connell RW, Davis MD, and Dowsett GW (1993). A bastard of a life: homosexual desire and practices among men in working-class culture. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 29(1), 112-35.

de Luze, Hubert (1990). Regard ethnométhodologique sur le mensonge dans le village des dragueurs homosexuels parisiens du 15-11-1989 au 15-4-1990. Université de Paris, Diplôme D'Etude Supérieures Spécialisées. Internet "Title" Page: http://www.ai.univ-paris8.fr/corpus/deluze/homemens.htm N/A. (Archive Link) - "Contents". - "Conclusion" Page: http://www.ai.univ-paris8.fr/corpus/deluze/menscon.htm N/A (Archive Link). 

Dorais M (1997). Ça arrive aussi aux garcons: l'abus sexuel au masculin. Montreal: vlb editeur. English Edition, Google Books.

Fellows W (1996). Farm Boys: Lives of Gay Men From the Rural Midwest. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.

Giovanni's Room press release (1999, March 24). Access to information about pedophilia and the outrages of child abuse.

Hart J (1995). My First Time: Gay Men Describe Their First Same-Sex Experience. Boston: Alyson.

Holmes WC , Slap GB (1998). Sexual Abuse of Boys: Definition, Prevalence, Correlates, Sequelae, and Management. JAMA, 280(21). (Full Text)

Jay K, and Young A (1977). The Gay Report. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Jenkins, P. (1998). Moral Panic: Changing Concepts of the Child Molester in Modern America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Kessler RC, and Wethington E (1991). The reliability of life event reports in a community survey. Psychological. Medicine, 21: 723-738.

Leahy, Terry (1992). Positively experienced man/boy sex: the discourse of seduction and social construction of masculinity. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 28(1): 71-88..

Letters (1998). JAMA (The Journal of the American Medical Association), 281(23). (Full Text) Related to Holmes and Slap (1998) Review of the "sexual abuse of boys" research.

Maguen, Shira (1991). Teen Suicide: The Government’s Cover-up And America’s Lost Children. The Advocate, September 24: 40-47.

Mansergh G, and Marks G (1998). Age and risk of HIV infection in men who have sex with men. AIDS, 12: 1119-28.

Masters, W., Johnson, V., and Kolodny, R. (1985). Human Sexuality. Boston: (2nd edition) Little, Brown and Company, Boston.

Nickels, T., and Hocker, S. (1999, June 22-28). Transgenerational sex: Framing the question. Youth respond. Au Courant 3: 10, 12, 16, 17.

Remafedi G, Farrow JA, Deisher RW (1991).  Risk Factors for Attempted Suicide in Gay and Bisexual Youth. Pediatrics, 87: 869-875. Internet: Full Text. Full Text.

Rind B (2001). Gay and Bisexual Adolescent Boys' Sexual Experiences With Men: An Empirical Examination of Psychological Correlates in a Nonclinical Sample. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 30(4): 345-268. (Full Text) (Abstract)

Rind B (1998). Biased use of cross-cultural and historical perspectives on male homosexuality in human sexuality textbooks. Journal of Sex Research, 35: 397-407.

Rind B, Tromovitch P, and Bauserman R (1998). A meta-analytic examination of assumed properties of child sexual abuse using college samples. Psychological Bulletin, 124: 22-53. A related paper presented at a symposium in 1998 is available online: "An Examination of Assumed Properties of Child Sexual Abuse Based on Nonclinical Samples." (Full Text) (PubMed Abstract). A critique paper of these results: Stanford researcher rebukes study that claims little ill-effect of childhood sexual abuse. Another response: Rind, Tromovitch, and Bauserman: Politically Incorrect - Scientifically Correct by Thomas D. Oellerich (Sexuality & Culture, 4(2), 67-81, 2000. Full Text. Other recent critiques challenged by Rind, Bruce; Tromovitch, Philip; Bauserman, Robert (2001). The Validity and Appropriateness of Methods, Analyses, and Conclusions in Rind et al. (1998): A Rebuttal of Victimological Critique From Ondersma et al. (2001) and Dallam et al. (2001). Psychological Bulletin (PubMed Abstract). 127(6): 734-758.  Dallam SJ, Gleaves DH, Cepeda-Benito A, Silberg JL, Kraemer HC, Spiegel D (2001). The effects of child sexual abuse: Comment on Rind, Tromovitch, and Bauserman (1998). Psychological Bulletin, 127 (6), 715-733 (PubMed Abstract). Ondersma SJ, Chaffin M, Berliner L, Cordon I, Goodman G, Barnett D (2001). Sex with children is abuse: Comment on Rind, Tromovitch, and Bauserman (1998). Psychological Bulletin, 127(6), 707-714 (PubMed Abstract).

Rind B, Tromovitch P, and Bauserman R (2000). Condemnation of a scientific article: A chronology and refutation of the attacks and a discussion of threats to the integrity of science. Sex Culture, 4: 1-62.

Ross M (1984). Relation of implicit theories to the construction of personal histories. Psychological Review, 96: 341-357.

Sandfort T (1987). Boys on their Contacts With Men: A Study of Sexually Expressed Friendships. Elmhurst, NY: Global Academic Publishers. PDF Download.

Sandfort T (1983). Pedophile relationships in the Netherlands: Alternative lifestyle for children? Alternative Lifestyles 5: 164-183.

Sandfort T (1982). The sexual aspect of paedophile relationships: the experience of twenty-five boys. Amsterdam: Pan / Spartacus.

Savin-Williams, R. C. (1997). "...And Then I Became Gay:" Young Men's Stories. New York: Routledge.

Spada J (1979). The Spada Report. New York: Signet.

Stall RD, Hays RB, Walso CR, Ekstrand M, and McFarland W (2000).The Gay '90s: a review of research in the 1990s on sexual behavior and HIV risk among men who have sex with men. AIDS, 14: Supplement 3: 5101-14.

Tomeo ME, Templer DI, Anderson S, and Kotler D (2001). Comparative data of childhood and adolescence molestation in heterosexual and homosexual persons. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 30(5): 535-41.

Wächter, Nino (1999). The Experienced World Of Young Gay Men Who Are Attracted To Older Men: A Phenomenological Study. Master's Thesis, University of Turku, Department of Psychology. English Summary & Link to Full Text in Finnish: http://www.saunalahti.fi/~satyyri/gradu/summary.htm N/A  . Alternate link to English Summary:  http://gay-s.com/gerontophiles.htm N/A  . New Link:  http://de.geocities.com/fatman_at/gerontophiles.htm (Archive Link). (Alternate link with link to complete study in Finnish N/A Archive Link). New link to English Summary: http://gayseniors.info/wordpress/?p=39. - http://www.geocities.ws/fatman_at/gerontophiles.html.

West DJ (1998). Boys and Sexual Abuse: An English Opinion. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 27(6): 539-559. (Full Text. Archive Link)

Wilson P (1981). The man they call a monster: sexual experiences between men and boys. North Ryde, Australia: Casell.
 


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